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How does the enduring zero-sum logic of settler colonialism shape the future of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and Palestinian resistance?

Image courtesy of interviewee. November 7, 2024

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This video discusses the history and contemporary issues surrounding the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, particularly in the context of the Zionist movement and its impact on Palestinian existence. The speaker highlights how the Zionist ideology historically disregarded the presence of Palestinians in their own land, viewing them as obstacles to settlement. The destruction caused by the recent war is characterized as genocidal, with no military rationale behind the extensive damage to Gaza’s infrastructure, intended instead to render the territory uninhabitable for Palestinians.

The speaker critiques the current Israeli government as the most right-wing in history, openly rejecting the prospect of a two-state solution and pursuing policies that exacerbate the suffering of Palestinians. They also draw parallels with other historical settler colonialism examples, noting that the conditions in Palestine differ significantly, with a clear intention to displace the indigenous population.

The disillusionment among Palestinian youth and the loss of a desire for coexistence are emphasized, alongside the roots of Palestinian resistance, which began early in the 20th century and was shaped by the ongoing conflict. Hamas is described not as the root of the problem but as a symptom of unresolved conflict. The speaker asserts that unless the underlying issues are addressed, conflict will continue, noting a recent revival of Palestinian national unity and support from the broader Arab community.

This video concludes by expressing a lack of a viable peace process, with governments prioritizing other geopolitical interests over Palestinian rights. The speaker underscores the need for the Palestinian people to forge their own path and resist ongoing oppression, reflecting a sentiment found across the region. Ultimately, the call for justice is framed as a fundamental human right, regardless of the risks involved.

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Here are five key points from the video regarding the Israel-Palestine situation:

1. **Historical Convideo of Displacement**: The video argues that the Zionist movement has historically disregarded the existence of Palestinians in Palestine, viewing their presence as a temporary situation that could be resolved through displacement. Early Jewish communities purposely excluded Palestinian labor, demonstrating a systematic approach to undermining Palestinian society.

2. **Nature of Current Conflict**: The ongoing war is characterized as a genocide against the Palestinians, with actions taken by the Israeli government leading to widespread destruction, including civilian infrastructure and agriculture, with no clear military rationale. This war is seen as an extreme manifestation of longstanding colonial policies aimed at making Palestinian life untenable.

3. **Political Landscape and Rejection of Peace Processes**: The video notes a significant rightward shift in Israeli politics, with recent governments explicitly rejecting the two-state solution. This reflects a broader pattern of colonialism and a lack of genuine political commitment to coexistence, fostering an environment of violence and repression rather than dialogue.

4. **Palestinian Resistance and National Unity**: The historical resistance of Palestinians predates contemporary organizations like Hamas, which is framed as a symptom of unresolved conflict rather than the root cause. The growing desire for Palestinian national unity is noted, particularly among the youth, as a response to current crises and oppression.

5. **Regional and Global Implications**: The video highlights the support for Palestinians across the broader Middle East, juxtaposed with the geopolitical games played by Arab governments that have often sidelined Palestinian rights. It stresses that normalization agreements have failed to address Palestinian issues and asserts that as long as the underlying conflict continues, resistance and radicalism will persist. The lack of effective diplomacy exacerbates the situation, necessitating that Palestinians rely on their own grassroots movements.

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Here are some key quotes and excerpts from the video regarding the situation in Israel-Palestine and the broader convideo of the conflict:

1. **Zionist Movement and Palestinian Presence**: "There was, kind of a notion that the existence of Palestinians in Palestine is beside the point... the Arabs... are the population that eventually will go away, will be displaced by settlers."

2. **Kibbutz and Labor**: "The self-contained, self-sufficient, Jewish community in Palestine... banned Palestinian labor from Jewish businesses."

3. **Genocide Claim**: "This war is a genocide, right? and it is very conducted openly, as a genocide, ultimately, with a thin veneer of facile defense."

4. **Destruction of Gaza**: "There was no military reason to destroy the agriculture of Gaza... the entire destruction... including the hospitals... means to make the territory uninhabitable."

5. **Israeli Government's Stance**: "This government is the most right-wing government in the history of Israel... the idea essentially is to make sure that the Palestinian lives become so difficult, right? that eventually somehow they will leave."

6. **Rejection of Peace Solutions**: "There has never been any Israeli government at any point that has actually accepted the two-state solution."

7. **Comparison with Other Colonialism**: "The early Zionists studied other settler colonial experiences... tried to do things somewhat differently, in Palestine."

8. **Loss of Coexistence**: "This war... destroyed something... the will to coexist... especially visible in the younger generation."

9. **Radical Responses**: "I see re-radicalism emerging... Hamas is not the problem. It is a symptom of the problem."

10. **Continued Resistance**: "The long term is that there are going to be resistance, and there's going to be wars, until we have a solution."

11. **Normalization Agreements**: "Normalization agreements... completely bypass the Palestinians... no political rights were on the agendas."

12. **Ignorance of Realities**: "They had actually ignore reality, right? In order to be able to mobilize... ignore realism."

13. **Justice over Reality**: "There is something more important than obeying the kind of the rigid laws of reality. And that is to actually fight for justice."

These excerpts reflect a critique of the historical and current dynamics of the Israel-Palestine conflict, emphasizing themes of colonialism, genocide, the challenges of coexistence, and the complex motivations and sentiments of the involved populations.

X-TIMESTAMP-MAP=LOCAL:00:00:00.000,MPEGTS:90000

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The case of Israel Palestine.

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We see it really very clearly, like from the beginning at,

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namely from the beginning of the, Zionist movement,

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settlement in Palestine.

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Uh, there was, kind of a notion that the existence

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of Palestinians in Palestine,

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is beside the point, right?

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Uh, so it is not something, that you need

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to worry about,

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or at least, the Arabs, as we were called of Palestine,

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are, are the population that eventually will go away,

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will be displaced by settlers.

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And the practical example of that is,

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the formation of the issue.

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Uh, the self enclosed, self-sufficient,

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Jewish community in Palestine, that essentially banned,

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Palestinian labor, from, Jewish,

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businesses.

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Evolution of the kibbutz itself basically is also

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as people don't know that,

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but it was began as a racial experiment

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to actually make sure that Palestinian farmers,

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don't get into Jewish farms as well.

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So that is part of the logic of, the beginning, is

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that this, this, this pop the population of pe,

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the Palestinian basically aide of point,

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and we never have any evidence, that things

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actually have, been otherwise.

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Uh, this war, in fact, seems to actually push that logic

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to its, extreme, kind of, visibility.

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This war, is a genocide, right?

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Uh, and it is very conducted openly, as a genocide,

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ultimately, with a thin thinly veneer.

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Uh, but as, of, kind of, facile defense.

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Uh, but after more than a war, more than a year of this,

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of this war, it is very obvious, basically,

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that you only have a war that has very vague aims, right?

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Uh, that is open-ended, right?

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Uh, that has no termination, kind of point to it.

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Uh, the entire destruction of, territory,

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including the hospitals,

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including the agricul agriculture of Gaza.

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There was no military reason

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to destroy the agriculture of Gaza.

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Uh, higher educations,

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all the universities have been blown up completely.

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Uh, two thirds of the schools have been destroyed.

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Uh, so, a lot of the destruction

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that is happening basically in Gaza,

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really has no military logic to it all that,

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and it is very clearly, kind of meant to make,

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the territory uninhabitable as much as possible.

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Uh, and also we know, that, this is this government,

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that that is where this war,

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the Israeli government is the most right-wing

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government in the history of Israel.

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Everybody knows that, and,

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and the administrator in it to actually call,

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for the expulsion of the Palestinians.

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Uh, the, the, the, the settlement policy,

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which has been in effect, since, the late sixties,

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is, is accelerating crap as well at the expense

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of the Palestinians as well.

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And the idea essentially is to make sure

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that the Palestinian lives become so difficult, right?

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Uh, that eventually somehow will, they will leave, right?

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Or surrender actually, who knows

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what that actually means.

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Uh, besides, we have open statements, by,

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the Prime Minister, that, verifies, the position

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of that, previous Israel government

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that there will be no state solution that,

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that's official now the official kind

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of Israeli kind of position.

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It has always been that, by the way,

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but it has never been actually expressed that openly.

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There has never been any Israeli government at any point

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that have actually accepted, the twist solution.

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Now, in fact, the rejection of that solution is actually,

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is, is, is explicit, is this government,

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Let me just push it in. Um,

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obviously, the idea of colonialism.

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How does this, how does Israel Palestine sit

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amongst all those other examples of historic

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settler colonialism?

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Um, there's new research, that shows that,

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the early Zionists have actually studied other,

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settler colonial, experiences, including Algeria

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and South Africa,

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and tried to do things somewhat

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differently, in Palestine.

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The problem, of course, for, from, from their point

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of view of the South Africa model, is

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that it integrated the black population into the white

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economy ultimately.

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And therefore, in spite of racism, you end up

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to have a combined integrated, labor kind of,

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or other, eco economy that involved entire population.

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They did not want that. Uh, they wanted actually something,

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kind of a cohesive, Jewish only, kind

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of society, including the labor, including the bourgeoisie,

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including all the classic, all Jewish, the other,

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example, which is, Algeria.

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The Algeria, historically, of course,

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under French colonialism, suffered from the fact that,

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not too many, white French people migrated

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or wanted to migrate originally to Algeria, which,

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meant, that you had to extend actually,

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residents rights or settle status to other Europeans,

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notably Italians.

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Uh, eventually later on, the Nigerian Jews,

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were given pre citizenship

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and basically began to become as also another component

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of the white settle population.

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We don't have that in Palestine, actually.

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What we have is essentially is, kind

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of from the beginning, the program to displace

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the indigenous population completely right?

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From my point of view, I think, this war,

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really destroyed, something, very important,

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that we never really have fully,

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but is no longer existed, which is actually the will

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to coexist ultimately.

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And, and that,

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especially visible in the younger generation

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in particular, right?

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Uh, I mean, I, the, the, i,

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I do follow, basically, kind of what,

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what young people are saying, and me, social media

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and all these kind,

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and in our educational, kind of work,

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and you see re radicalism, kind of emerging at

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that point in response to this work.

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I think, we try to as much as possible to be educators,

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but there's also a limit,

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given the emotions of the moment.

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Uh, one thing that, is, is, kind

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of a clear from the history, of,

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the Middle East, is

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that there has always been large Jewish communities

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throughout the Middle East, before 1948.

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And, and that shows, that, we can actually,

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coexist with Jews rather than that for centuries.

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Uh, that is not a problem.

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Uh, we don't have the same,

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European anti-Semitic heritage described,

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but we cannot live with this criminal genocidal state

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theory, that is,

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that is verified basically completely, in this war.

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And that has brought, that's not just my sentiment.

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This is actually broad sentiment in the entire region

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as well, right now, where that is going to lead.

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Don't see actually on the Israeli side any

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actually acknowledgement of this reality that, that,

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the idea is that, from the, the,

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the Israel society itself has moved further

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to the right, ultimately.

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Uh, so the,

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and the kind of the, the policy as I see it, is

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that we impose ourself on this region that, so to speak,

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by force,

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we bomb people into submission, that, to, to speak.

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And that is how they come to how,

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that's how they occur to accept us.

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This sentiment is, very visible,

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in the Israeli press, actually,

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and still openly that our way to actually

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establish ourselves in region is

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through maximum strength kind of violence

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until people actually accept them.

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And that's a net new policy, by the way,

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that this actually has always been the policy ly.

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Uh, but, now, it has openly kind of expressed that,

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and basically there seems to be somewhat

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of a new consensus in Israeli society

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about that point of view.

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Uh, so we have a situation where we have the end

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of dialogue, the end of, basically

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therefore a time being at least, and will to coexist.

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Uh, and that does not really bo work for the future,

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even if you destroy Hamas completely,

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and Hezbollah completely, right, the, the,

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that is not going to settle the problem

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because, you are gonna get something,

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more radical outta that.

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There's going to be a will to revenge, basically,

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that's emerging outta that,

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and not necessarily a good thing always.

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Uh, but that is really the reality that we're heading to.

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Social history is complex. Uh, basically.

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So the policing resistance to,

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to the Zionist project began shortly

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after the butfor, the, the Butfor declaration, of 1917.

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Uh, and, that became well known,

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to most Palestinians, including Ian Peasants,

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by the twenties and thirties already.

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Uh, so you have in the thirties,

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basically the first large scale, resistance movement

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that took the form of a general strike, right?

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Um, and a rebellion as well, along with that, right?

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Uh, mostly peasant rebellion, right?

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'cause the peasants were the ones who were losing the land,

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basically to,

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to the Zionist settlement, program.

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Uh, and then of course,

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after 1948, we, the much, many

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of the Palestinians became refugees

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who lived in refugee camps.

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Uh, they, at that point, the nucleus of the modern

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movement began to emerge in small groups,

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but really does the, that movement does not pick up steam

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until after 19 67, 19 67,

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after the, defeat of the Arab armies.

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Uh, that is when Palestinian reside, realized

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that they had, they have to rely on their own best fact

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that, and so, at that point, shortly

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after 67, we have the emergence of all these organizations

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that became part of the, militias, the camps,

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the refugee camps became the recruiting base, basically,

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that mother movement, by the way, that was,

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a secular movement for most of his history.

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And that is something that I think people should know.

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Hamas did not exist in 1948, 1967.

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There was no Hamas either, only in 1987.

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So 40 years a,

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after the establishment dictator

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to Israel in the Special Palestinians,

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you have something like Hamas.

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So it is not as though, right?

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Uh, this is na, this movement is natural, right? But it is.

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That's why I say to people, Hamas is not the problem.

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It is a symptom of the problem, right?

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A symptom of unresolved conflict

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that will give you an organization like that.

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And if the conflict is unresolved, there will be,

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there will, is going to continue to be a reason

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for resistance that, to be acted up upon,

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in other forms, maybe through other languages,

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through other ideologies, and so on.

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But, we are there right now.

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Uh, all Palestinians basically are

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aware of what is happening.

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Uh, they are energized by it.

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And, and they seem to want now, to, to restore

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Palestinian national unity visa for a time being.

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Uh, so that, kind

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of the Palestinian can capitalize on this moment

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and actually protect themselves right from,

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the displacement, that is, threatening them.

250
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Make distinction always be in the governments,

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and, the mass movements in the region.

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Uh, so the mass movements in the region,

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and the population in general,

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the ordinary people are the Middle East,

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sympathize with the Palestinians, right?

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Uh, until today. But,

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and especially in moments of crisis like this,

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and, the,

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but if you look at the governments,

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of course, that's a different story.

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Governments have their own calculations.

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Uh, they play the games of geopolitics.

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Uh, our governments are mostly interested in their own

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survival, not in Palestine.

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Uh, and you can see that

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because one of the things that were happening

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before October 7th of last year was, this, sequence

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of normalization agreements, that were happening

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between Israel and,

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and Arab governments, one after the other.

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And the, the important thing about,

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that those normalization efforts was

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that they completely bypass the Palestinians.

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And so the idea was that our governments

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who drew normalized relations with Israel, and that,

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and the policing will be forgotten.

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Uh, they may be given some economic benefits, but that's it.

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No political rights, that they were not on the agendas.

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They were not involved in any of these normalization,

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kind of negotiations, that, October 7th,

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pretty much, put the brakes on

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that diplomacy.

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Describe, and so, Palestine is back on the map.

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It was before October 7th, whatever we think of October 7th.

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Describe the one thing that it accomplished is

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that it put Palestine back on the map

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after it was completely forgotten,

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or almost completely forgotten that.

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And, that's very visible, basically, to the movements

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with the social movements in the

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region, regardless of ideolog.

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So whether you are secular or religious, basically,

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you tend to think, most of the time, in the region

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that the Palestinian cause is a just cause.

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Uh, this is a region that has been,

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that has experienced colonialism at, most

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of the region under colonial rule.

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Uh, so people actually know what colonialism is,

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and they see Palestine as a reminder of the continuing story

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of not just colonialism,

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but the worst type of colonialism,

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which is settler colonialism.

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The long term is that there are going to be resistance,

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and there's going to be wars, until,

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we have a solution.

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Uh, the, the,

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and that is, the reality that we're facing.

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Uh, we don't actually,

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there's no peace process, anywhere.

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We haven't had the peace process for, for a quarter

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of a century, at this point.

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Uh, and people, right now university, that

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that piece process was always a farce,

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but actually did not really accomplish what it, it seemed

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to be designed to accomplish.

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Uh, so I see, continuing kind of conflict.

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I can see this will, this kind of the end of the world

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to coexist actually, to, to lead

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to more radicalism ultimately.

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And also on top of it, we have really no,

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creative diplomacy around all.

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But, the, something happened, that it seemed

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that, many of the, policy policymakers in the us,

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in the Arab world, in Europe as well, seem

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to actually just want to look the other way,

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as much as possible.

327
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Uh, they, this is a headache.

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They don't know how to resolve it, but,

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and they have other priorities,

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and the pristine for them are not a priority.

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Uh, it just, they happen to be a headache, right?

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Uh, so, so the pristine, are back to

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where they always were, which is that they have

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to rely on themselves ultimately, they have

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to create their own movements,

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which is what they have always done.

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And they have done that, under conditions

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that were not favorable to them.

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Uh, and that, so in 1936, the on strike, the,

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the, the mobilization out of the camps in,

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in the late sixties and afterwards, the first Inda,

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et cetera, all these events basically happened under

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very bleak conditions, before the Palestinians are.

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Uh, so it is not

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as though they ever had ever favorable conditions.

346
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Uh, they had actually ignore reality, right?

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In order to be able to mobilize,

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also ignore realism, right?

349
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And like all revolutions, really, I think in general,

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and I teach a course on revolutions,

351
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and we cover 14 revolutions in one semester,

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one revolution per week.

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Uh, the one issue, volution has its own distinctive feature,

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but the one feature that they have in common, is

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that they are most of the time are led informed by people

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who ignore reality and who do not think in, in

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what we call realistic way, right?

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That doesn't always lead to success, but sometimes it does.

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Uh, that is when you actually realize that,

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that there is something,

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more important than obeying the kind

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of the rigid laws of reality.

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And that is to actually fight for justice.

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Uh, even if that means, suicide, even if

365
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that means your destruction.

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Uh, but that is basically, the idea of you,

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you, you prove yourself.

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You are worthy human, worthy of equality, worthy of dignity,

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by ignoring a reality that says to you that you're not.

Historical Context and Current Realities of the Israel-Palestine Conflict

00:00:00 - The case of Israel Palestine. We see it really very clearly, like from the beginning at, namely from the beginning of the, Zionist movement, settlement in Palestine. there was, kind of a notion that the existence of Palestinians in Palestine, is beside the point, right? so it is not something, that you need to worry about, or at least, the Arabs, as we were called of Palestine, are, are the population that eventually will go away, will be displaced by settlers. And the practical example of that is,

00:00:33 - the self enclosed, self-sufficient, Jewish community in Palestine, that essentially banned, Palestinian labor, from, Jewish, businesses. Evolution of the kibbutz itself basically is also as people don't know that, but it was began as a racial experiment to actually make sure that Palestinian farmers, don't get into Jewish farms as well. So that is part of the logic of, the beginning, is that this, this, this pop the population of pe,

00:01:05 - and we never have any evidence, that things actually have, been otherwise. this war, in fact, seems to actually push that logic to its, extreme, kind of, visibility. This war, is a genocide, right? and it is very conducted openly, as a genocide, ultimately, with a thin thinly veneer. but as, of, kind of, facile defense.

Destruction Without Justification: The Aimless War in Gaza

00:01:36 - of this war, it is very obvious, basically, that you only have a war that has very vague aims, right? that is open-ended, right? that has no termination, kind of point to it. the entire destruction of, territory, including the hospitals, including the agricul agriculture of Gaza. There was no military reason to destroy the agriculture of Gaza. higher educations, all the universities have been blown up completely.

00:02:09 - so, a lot of the destruction that is happening basically in Gaza, really has no military logic to it all that, and it is very clearly, kind of meant to make, the territory uninhabitable as much as possible. and also we know, that, this is this government, that that is where this war, the Israeli government is the most right-wing government in the history of Israel. Everybody knows that, and, and the administrator in it to actually call,

00:02:39 - the, the, the, the settlement policy, which has been in effect, since, the late sixties, is, is accelerating crap as well at the expense of the Palestinians as well. And the idea essentially is to make sure that the Palestinian lives become so difficult, right? that eventually somehow will, they will leave, right? Or surrender actually, who knows what that actually means. besides, we have open statements, by,

Rejection of a Two-State Solution and Historical Context of Colonialism

00:03:13 - of that, previous Israel government that there will be no state solution that, that's official now the official kind of Israeli kind of position. It has always been that, by the way, but it has never been actually expressed that openly. There has never been any Israeli government at any point that have actually accepted, the twist solution. Now, in fact, the rejection of that solution is actually, is, is, is explicit, is this government,

00:03:43 - obviously, the idea of colonialism. How does this, how does Israel Palestine sit amongst all those other examples of historic settler colonialism? there's new research, that shows that, the early Zionists have actually studied other, settler colonial, experiences, including Algeria and South Africa, and tried to do things somewhat differently, in Palestine. The problem, of course, for, from, from their point of view of the South Africa model, is

00:04:17 - economy ultimately. And therefore, in spite of racism, you end up to have a combined integrated, labor kind of, or other, eco economy that involved entire population. They did not want that. they wanted actually something, kind of a cohesive, Jewish only, kind of society, including the labor, including the bourgeoisie, including all the classic, all Jewish, the other,

Displacement and the Erosion of Coexistence in Palestine

00:04:46 - The Algeria, historically, of course, under French colonialism, suffered from the fact that, not too many, white French people migrated or wanted to migrate originally to Algeria, which, meant, that you had to extend actually, residents rights or settle status to other Europeans, notably Italians. eventually later on, the Nigerian Jews,

00:05:16 - and basically began to become as also another component of the white settle population. We don't have that in Palestine, actually. What we have is essentially is, kind of from the beginning, the program to displace the indigenous population completely right? From my point of view, I think, this war, really destroyed, something, very important, that we never really have fully, but is no longer existed, which is actually the will to coexist ultimately.

00:05:49 - especially visible in the younger generation in particular, right? I mean, I, the, the, i, I do follow, basically, kind of what, what young people are saying, and me, social media and all these kind, and in our educational, kind of work, and you see re radicalism, kind of emerging at that point in response to this work. I think, we try to as much as possible to be educators, but there's also a limit, given the emotions of the moment.

Historical Coexistence and Current Tensions

00:06:23 - of a clear from the history, of, the Middle East, is that there has always been large Jewish communities throughout the Middle East, before 1948. And, and that shows, that, we can actually, coexist with Jews rather than that for centuries. that is not a problem. we don't have the same, European anti-Semitic heritage described,

00:06:53 - theory, that is, that is verified basically completely, in this war. And that has brought, that's not just my sentiment. This is actually broad sentiment in the entire region as well, right now, where that is going to lead. Don't see actually on the Israeli side any actually acknowledgement of this reality that, that, the idea is that, from the, the, the Israel society itself has moved further to the right, ultimately.

00:07:22 - and the kind of the, the policy as I see it, is that we impose ourself on this region that, so to speak, by force, we bomb people into submission, that, to, to speak. And that is how they come to how, that's how they occur to accept us. This sentiment is, very visible, in the Israeli press, actually, and still openly that our way to actually establish ourselves in region is through maximum strength kind of violence

End of Dialogue: Rising Radicalism and Historical Resistance

00:07:53 - And that's a net new policy, by the way, that this actually has always been the policy ly. but, now, it has openly kind of expressed that, and basically there seems to be somewhat of a new consensus in Israeli society about that point of view. so we have a situation where we have the end of dialogue, the end of, basically therefore a time being at least, and will to coexist. and that does not really bo work for the future, even if you destroy Hamas completely,

00:08:28 - that is not going to settle the problem because, you are gonna get something, more radical outta that. There's going to be a will to revenge, basically, that's emerging outta that, and not necessarily a good thing always. but that is really the reality that we're heading to. Social history is complex. basically. So the policing resistance to, to the Zionist project began shortly after the butfor, the, the Butfor declaration, of 1917.

00:08:57 - to most Palestinians, including Ian Peasants, by the twenties and thirties already. so you have in the thirties, basically the first large scale, resistance movement that took the form of a general strike, right? and a rebellion as well, along with that, right? mostly peasant rebellion, right? 'cause the peasants were the ones who were losing the land, basically to, to the Zionist settlement, program. and then of course,

Emergence of Palestinian Resistance and the Role of Hamas

00:09:28 - of the Palestinians became refugees who lived in refugee camps. they, at that point, the nucleus of the modern movement began to emerge in small groups, but really does the, that movement does not pick up steam until after 19 67, 19 67, after the, defeat of the Arab armies. that is when Palestinian reside, realized that they had, they have to rely on their own best fact that, and so, at that point, shortly

00:10:01 - that became part of the, militias, the camps, the refugee camps became the recruiting base, basically, that mother movement, by the way, that was, a secular movement for most of his history. And that is something that I think people should know. Hamas did not exist in 1948, 1967. There was no Hamas either, only in 1987.

00:10:28 - after the establishment dictator to Israel in the Special Palestinians, you have something like Hamas. So it is not as though, right? this is na, this movement is natural, right? But it is. That's why I say to people, Hamas is not the problem. It is a symptom of the problem, right? A symptom of unresolved conflict that will give you an organization like that. And if the conflict is unresolved, there will be, there will, is going to continue to be a reason for resistance that, to be acted up upon,

Restoring Palestinian Unity Amidst Geopolitical Challenges

00:10:59 - through other ideologies, and so on. But, we are there right now. all Palestinians basically are aware of what is happening. they are energized by it. And, and they seem to want now, to, to restore Palestinian national unity visa for a time being. so that, kind of the Palestinian can capitalize on this moment and actually protect themselves right from, the displacement, that is, threatening them.

00:11:30 - and, the mass movements in the region. so the mass movements in the region, and the population in general, the ordinary people are the Middle East, sympathize with the Palestinians, right? until today. But, and especially in moments of crisis like this, and, the, but if you look at the governments, of course, that's a different story. Governments have their own calculations. they play the games of geopolitics. our governments are mostly interested in their own

00:12:02 - and you can see that because one of the things that were happening before October 7th of last year was, this, sequence of normalization agreements, that were happening between Israel and, and Arab governments, one after the other. And the, the important thing about, that those normalization efforts was that they completely bypass the Palestinians. And so the idea was that our governments who drew normalized relations with Israel, and that,

Palestine: A Return to Center Stage Amidst Unresolved Conflict

00:12:32 - they may be given some economic benefits, but that's it. No political rights, that they were not on the agendas. They were not involved in any of these normalization, kind of negotiations, that, October 7th, pretty much, put the brakes on that diplomacy. Describe, and so, Palestine is back on the map. It was before October 7th, whatever we think of October 7th. Describe the one thing that it accomplished is

00:13:03 - after it was completely forgotten, or almost completely forgotten that. And, that's very visible, basically, to the movements with the social movements in the region, regardless of ideolog. So whether you are secular or religious, basically, you tend to think, most of the time, in the region that the Palestinian cause is a just cause. this is a region that has been, that has experienced colonialism at, most of the region under colonial rule.

00:13:35 - and they see Palestine as a reminder of the continuing story of not just colonialism, but the worst type of colonialism, which is settler colonialism. The long term is that there are going to be resistance, and there's going to be wars, until, we have a solution. the, the, and that is, the reality that we're facing. we don't actually, there's no peace process, anywhere. We haven't had the peace process for, for a quarter

Failed Diplomacy and Rising Radicalism

00:14:05 - and people, right now university, that that piece process was always a farce, but actually did not really accomplish what it, it seemed to be designed to accomplish. so I see, continuing kind of conflict. I can see this will, this kind of the end of the world to coexist actually, to, to lead to more radicalism ultimately. And also on top of it, we have really no, creative diplomacy around all.

00:14:37 - that, many of the, policy policymakers in the us, in the Arab world, in Europe as well, seem to actually just want to look the other way, as much as possible. they, this is a headache. They don't know how to resolve it, but, and they have other priorities, and the pristine for them are not a priority. it just, they happen to be a headache, right? so, so the pristine, are back to

00:15:06 - to rely on themselves ultimately, they have to create their own movements, which is what they have always done. And they have done that, under conditions that were not favorable to them. and that, so in 1936, the on strike, the, the, the mobilization out of the camps in, in the late sixties and afterwards, the first Inda, et cetera, all these events basically happened under

Ignoring Reality: The Essence of Revolutionary Struggle

00:15:39 - so it is not as though they ever had ever favorable conditions. they had actually ignore reality, right? In order to be able to mobilize, also ignore realism, right? And like all revolutions, really, I think in general, and I teach a course on revolutions, and we cover 14 revolutions in one semester, one revolution per week. the one issue, volution has its own distinctive feature, but the one feature that they have in common, is

00:16:12 - who ignore reality and who do not think in, in what we call realistic way, right? That doesn't always lead to success, but sometimes it does. that is when you actually realize that, that there is something, more important than obeying the kind of the rigid laws of reality. And that is to actually fight for justice. even if that means, suicide, even if that means your destruction. but that is basically, the idea of you,

00:16:44 - You are worthy human, worthy of equality, worthy of dignity, by ignoring a reality that says to you that you're not.

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