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The Impact of Ride-Hailing Services on Congestion: Evidence from Indian Cities

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Deepa Mani discusses how the absence of ride-hailing services affects congestion levels in three major cities in India, a market where most ride-hailing drivers participate full time.

Image courtesy of interviewee. September 11, 2024

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This video discusses the rapid growth of the ride-hailing market, particularly in India, highlighting its expansion to approximately $160 billion by 2023. It emphasizes the need to study the socioeconomic impacts of ride-hailing services, which have provided benefits such as flexible work opportunities and increased labor pool diversity. However, there are concerns about the negative impacts on congestion, especially as ride-hailing platforms operate as commercial taxi services rather than private ride-sharing.

The study seeks to address two key gaps in the literature: the limited causal evidence linking ride-hailing to congestion and the contrasting findings of previous studies, with some indicating that ride-hailing reduces congestion while others suggest it exacerbates it. The study exploits recent driver strikes to analyze congestion in major Indian cities like Delhi, Mumbai, and Bangalore, using various empirical methods.

Findings reveal that congestion decreased significantly during strike periods, especially in highly congested areas, indicating that ride-hailing services contribute to traffic congestion. This video study's results show that the congestion costs associated with ride-hailing in India may be much higher than those found in Western studies, suggesting that unique economic and regulatory factors in India lead to greater deadheading – instances of cabs driving around empty.

The authors also identify other mechanisms influencing congestion, such as drivers taking shorter routes to avoid traffic and a shift of commuters to public transport in the absence of ride-hailing services. The study concludes that managing ride-hailing supply and improving public transport are vital in minimizing congestion, recommending further welfare analysis for comprehensive policy implications.

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Here are five key points from the video:

1. **Growth of Ride Hailing Market**: The ride hailing market is rapidly expanding, with a valuation of approximately $160 billion in 2023. This market has potential for socioeconomic benefits, including flexible work opportunities and the inclusion of women and marginalized groups in the labor force.

2. **Unique Convideo of India**: India is highlighted as a crucial area for studying the impacts of ride hailing services due to its relatively under-investigated market, rapid growth, and increasing user base, with significant participation from platforms like Uber and Ola.

3. **Empirical Analysis of Congestion**: The study explores the causal relationship between ride hailing services and congestion, addressing gaps in literature. The findings reveal that during driver strikes, travel times decreased significantly, suggesting that ride hailing services contribute to congestion, particularly in busy urban areas.

4. **Operational Differences and Regulation Impacts**: Ride hailing platforms in India operate as commercial taxi services rather than private ride-sharing outlets. This structural difference leads to issues such as increased deadheading (drivers operating without passengers), which exacerbates congestion. The need for effective regulation to manage driver supply and improve service efficiency is emphasized.

5. **Policy Recommendations**: The study suggests several policy recommendations to mitigate congestion, including enhanced public transport services, improved pricing strategies for ride hailing to manage supply during peak times, and a critical examination of existing regulations to balance the benefits and costs associated with ride hailing operations.

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Here are some key quotes from the video discussing the ride-hailing market and its implications in India:

1. **Market Size and Growth**:
- "This was rooted in the observation that the ride hailing market is a rapidly expanding and growing one. As of 2023, this was at about $160 billion."

2. **Socioeconomic Benefits**:
- "A large stream of literature has also documented various socioeconomic benefits of these services, from flexible work to an expansion of the labor pool to include women and other groups that face barriers in traditional work."

3. **Research Focus**:
- "We wanted to examine this phenomenon in India, where the growth of the market is significantly higher than that worldwide."

4. **Convideo of the Study**:
- "Both given the salience of the market, its relevance and the fact that it was under investigated set the convideo for this study."

5. **Impact on Congestion**:
- "Ride sharing platforms have been implicated overall in worsening congestion... and that's reflected in several policies such as congestion pricing plans... that have been passed in cities like Seattle and Chicago."

6. **Causal Relationships**:
- "There is limited evidence, especially causal, of the relationship between ride hailing and congestion."

7. **Examination of Strikes**:
- "The strike allowed us to exogenously estimate the impact of the absence of these services on congestion."

8. **Findings on Travel Times**:
- "We find a robust finding, which is that travel times were consistently lower during the periods of the strike."

9. **Congestion Costs**:
- "We found the effect sizes, congestion costs of about $2 million per day."

10. **Implications for Policy**:
- "Management of supply is critical to the observed impacts on congestion... it becomes important to explore, given the benefits of the current set of regulations, what the costs are."

11. **Recommendations**:
- "Improving incentives to make public transport more effective. This could be by adding routes, it could be by reducing fares, and improving the coverage of public transport."

These quotes reflect the video's discussion about the ride-hailing market's growth in India, its socioeconomic implications, the concerns regarding congestion, and the necessity for further research and policy recommendations.

X-TIMESTAMP-MAP:LOCAL=00:00:00.000,MPEGTS=900000

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This was rooted in the observation

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that the ride hailing market is a rapidly

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expanding and growing one.

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Uh, you know, as of 2023, this was at about $160 billion.

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Um, and the size of the market also spoke

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to the promise of the market.

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Um, you know, ride ha platforms.

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Uh, the, you know, the, the intent to leverage a whole host

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of tech enabled innovations that we outlined in the paper

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to push towards sustainable mobility, right?

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These could be interventions like dynamic pricing,

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efficient matching, pooling of rides, all of that.

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And a large stream of

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literature has also documented various socioeconomic

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benefits of these services, from flexible work

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to an expansion of the labor pool to include women

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and other groups that face barriers in

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traditional, work.

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Uh, and, you know, reduction of driver, moral hazard.

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There's a whole bunch of socioeconomic benefits

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that have been documented,

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and we wanted to examine this phenomenon in India

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where the growth of the market is significantly higher than

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that worldwide.

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Uh, for instance, in, for Uber,

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India is the third largest market by volume globally,

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and one of the fastest growing markets, right?

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It has over a million users on its platform.

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It's clocked to revenue of whatever, nearly, three 50

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to $400 million in 2023.

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And therefore, you know, it was, we,

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we thought it would be useful

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to study these impacts in the Indian context,

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which is under investigated.

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Um, so both given the salience of the market, its relevance

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and the fact that it was under investigated set

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the context for this study.

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The transportation infrastructure is not terribly mature.

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Um, and, you know, for instance, incentives to use public

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transport, present trade-offs in terms of quality

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of service, et cetera.

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Um, and also, you know,

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what the ride hailing platforms have also done over time is

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adopt to the idiosyncrasies of the market.

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Uh, for instance, they don't operate

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as private ride sharing platforms.

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They operate as commercial taxi operators here.

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And therefore, that brings into play, you know,

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while it provides benefits such as safety

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and benefits to, the supply,

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the labor supply, et cetera.

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Uh, however, there are costs

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that it imposes, which is what we study.

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Uh, in the paper ride sharing platforms have been implicated

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overall in worsening congestion.

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Uh, and, you know, and,

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and that's reflected in several policies such as congestion,

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pricing plans, et cetera,

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that have been passed in cities like Seattle and Chicago

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and, New York City, et cetera.

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There were two gaps that we sought

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to address in the literature.

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One, there is limited evidence, especially causal

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of the relationship between ride hailing

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and congestion. This is

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Driven by essentially paucity of data

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and a whole bunch of empirical

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identification challenges, right?

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So that's one. Uh, the second is that, you know, there is,

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there are these countervailing impacts

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that the literature talks about.

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One class of studies says these services reduce congestion

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because they allow for demand pooling, the, and,

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and reduce the pressure on transportation infrastructure.

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They act as a compliment to public transport,

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and they reduce private ownership of vehicles.

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Uh, however, there's a whole bunch of recent studies,

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especially ones that try to, you know, pre,

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present causal, evidence,

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which show a different viewpoint,

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and they stock about deadheading substituting,

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public transport rather than complementing it

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and inducing trips, which I think is relevant to India

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as well, that would otherwise never have been made.

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Remember I said that, you know, the transportation

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infrastructure is not terribly mature, and

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therefore, perhaps these trips would not have been made, and

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therefore there was this theoretical ambiguity

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regarding the impact of right haing on congestion,

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which made it an interesting empirical question.

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And that's what we, you know, that's the gap,

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that we sought to address.

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And like I already mentioned, in addition

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to a reliable measure, of the causal relationship,

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the Indian context

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and ascendant economies in general are under investigated

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or understudied, right?

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They've all, all empirical studies have almost exclusively

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focused on the United States.

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Um, and, and

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therefore, it, it, you know, we thought it was,

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it would be useful a, a, a useful contribution

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to study this in the context of, India.

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The data was kind of serendipitous

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because, you know, there was, there was a lot

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of distress from so Uber, they were offering a certain,

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compensation to their drivers.

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They were taking off a certain commission fee,

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which they amped up, you know, over time.

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And the distress from reduced earnings, let both Ola

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and Uber drivers, which together, you know,

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control about 70% of the ride daily market in India,

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to go on a strike in New Delhi

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and Bangalore, somewhere in 2017,

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in the early part of 2017.

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And then the last reported strike,

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there was a ripple effect.

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And the last reported strike took place in Mumbai in

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October, 2018.

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So now for three different time intervals in these three

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major Indian cities spread over a period of a year

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and a half, you know, the strike allowed us to,

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allowed us to exogenously,

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estimate the impact of, you know, the absence

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of these services on congestion.

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So in terms of methods, what we did was, you know, it,

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for each city, we used something different.

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Uh, we used, difference in differences approach

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by comparing the change in congestion levels

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in the affected cities in Mumbai, to a controlled city,

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Pune, which is very similar to Mumbai, that did not,

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you know, that that was not

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subject to the strike, right?

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And for Bangalore, we looked at the period of the strike

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and compared it with traffic

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for similar dates in the following year.

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And for Delhi, we used a regression discontinuity design,

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like a simple pre, pre-post, comparison,

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which compared the changes in congestion during the strike,

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to the pre-strike period.

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So all, and, and we estimated both distance

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and time, using high frequency data for a set

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of origin destination pairs, from Google Maps.

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So this allowed us to, and,

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and that was in essence a measure of congestion, right?

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So the travel time that it took between these,

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origin destination pairs was what we used.

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Um, and we, we chose these endpoints

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to get coverage across these cities

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and also adequately measure variation in traffic.

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That's what we tried to do.

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Um, and although they were not random,

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we manually chose the, chose these endpoints, they,

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they were still, most of them were arbitrarily chosen.

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So, you know, that that was something.

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And, and yeah,

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and we used a variety of empirical models to estimate how,

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travel times changed.

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Uh, during the strike, after the strike,

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before the strike, to estimate,

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congestion in all the three cities, we find,

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a robust finding, which is

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that travel times were consistently lower

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during the periods of the strike.

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Uh, the, what we also did was we divided these

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origin destination pairs into siles of congestion based on,

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you know, pre-strike traffic data.

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Uh, we normalized that using, free flow traffic.

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Um, so that traffic, so that, you know,

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this was comparable across origin destination points,

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but we found that the reductions were highest

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for the most congested regions during peak hours.

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And, and likely

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because, you know, these, these places were likely

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to witness maximum right?

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Hailing activity on a usual day, right?

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And, essentially emphasizing that, right?

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Hailing services were contributing significantly

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to congestion in these, cities studied.

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I can go into the magnitude of these effects, if you like,

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but that was the niche, that was the direction

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of the finding a substantive reduction in, in speeds.

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So there are studies which have looked at the US

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and have also found, a reduction in traffic speeds,

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right,

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because of right hailing services, roughly

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to the magnitude of about two and a half percent or so.

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And, you know, they translate these slowdowns to estimation

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of congestion costs of about $50 million annually,

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somewhere in the range of 35 to $50 million annually, back

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of envelope calculations.

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Uh, they further find that the,

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these costs are similar in magnitude

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to the consumer surplus generated

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by the right hailing platforms, and

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therefore they conclude that, you know, restricting

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or taxing this activity is unlikely

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to generate large welfare gains through reduced congestion.

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Right? So that's

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what is the broad conclusion about the Western,

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at least I must say more specifically about, you know,

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c certain cities in the us This city

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that I'm talking about is Austin.

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For us, it was interesting

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'cause the FX sizes were much larger than those reported in,

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you know, in the studies that were based in,

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in the United States, right?

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We found the effect sizes, congestion costs

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of about $2 million per day.

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And, which, which leads us to think about, you know,

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how is India different, right?

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Uh, or how are these economies different?

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And there are a few things that came out.

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One is the high costs of participation,

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because of regulatory barriers

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have obviously induced more of these drivers

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to participate on a full-time basis on these platforms.

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These are not private ride sharing,

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but they're registered as commercial taxi operators,

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which means that's like a full-time day, you know,

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a full daytime job, correct?

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Um, and therefore there was a set of costs

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that was being, imposed,

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which is you're inducing drivers to operate full-time, and

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therefore you're increasing deadheading miles, right?

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The, the, the time that these cabs are driving around,

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vacant on streets, et cetera,

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they're not going off when traffic is, you know,

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is, is in the trough.

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They're, they're staying on the roads and,

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therefore, you know, it, in, in some sense,

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exploring the role of these regulations

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and the associated costs in moderating the supply

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of drivers, became important, right?

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And therefore, this led us,

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so deadheading was clearly one we, you know, we wanted

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to implicate, but we also were wanted to understand

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what were some of the other mechanisms.

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And there were two other mechanisms

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that we found in addition to deadheading, we find

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that one is deadheading, the second is recommendation

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of shorter routes, right?

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So when the, the, the, when these, platforms are off,

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you know, Google was recommending shorter routes

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to people navigating

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between the original destination pe, right?

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Um, and therefore it was important to account

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for these costs in terms of additional distance

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that people may be, choosing to travel

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to avoid congested streets in the center when the

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platforms are operational, right?

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That was the second. And the third thing was we looked at

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ridership data from the Delhi Metro,

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and we found that commuters in Delhi when the platforms were

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off were shifting to public transport, in the absence

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of the ride hailing services.

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So there was some substitution here that was going on

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in terms of public transport and ride hailing platforms.

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We don't do a welfare analysis in our study,

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and I think it's important for policy makers

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to perform a more, comprehensive welfare analysis

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to compare the costs with what are the benefits that,

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you know, these platforms occurred to, to the city.

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And there, we, we don't do that,

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and that's definitely a topic for future research.

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Uh, but what we do find, you know,

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but there are certain clear implications

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that follow even from the findings, which is

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clearly management of supply is critical

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to the observed impacts on congestion.

12:21.465 --> 12:24.685
And given that, it, you know, we don't operate

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as private ride sharing platforms in, in India, you operate

12:28.405 --> 12:30.725
as commercial taxi operators.

12:31.355 --> 12:33.685
It's important to explore the role

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of these ride hailing regulations in India that allow

12:37.265 --> 12:38.645
for dynamic supply, right?

12:38.645 --> 12:39.725
Because if you're operating

12:39.725 --> 12:42.365
as a private ride sharing platform, you get off

12:42.365 --> 12:44.645
during the troughs, you come on the road during peaks

12:44.645 --> 12:46.725
and maybe pooling of demand, all

12:46.725 --> 12:48.885
of this happens far more efficiently,

12:49.105 --> 12:51.245
and that's not happening in this part of the world.

12:51.625 --> 12:55.405
So therefore, it becomes important to explore,

12:55.455 --> 12:57.885
given the benefits of the current set of regulations,

12:57.885 --> 12:58.885
what the costs are.

12:59.505 --> 13:02.125
The second is platform self-regulation, you know,

13:02.125 --> 13:03.845
through search pricing, et cetera,

13:03.865 --> 13:06.285
to ease out supply from congested areas.

13:06.445 --> 13:09.485
I mean, we, we have this whole analysis of traffic

13:09.505 --> 13:10.725
around the airport area

13:10.935 --> 13:13.525
where clearly deadheading can be eliminated

13:13.665 --> 13:15.765
and, you know, you can get these folks off the road

13:15.825 --> 13:16.885
at that point in time.

13:17.585 --> 13:19.485
Uh, the third is improving incentives

13:19.745 --> 13:21.605
to make public transport more effective.

13:21.605 --> 13:23.485
This could be by adding routes, it could be

13:23.505 --> 13:25.285
by reducing fares,

13:26.225 --> 13:30.085
and, you know, improving the coverage

13:30.225 --> 13:32.485
of public transport, not just within cities,

13:32.585 --> 13:33.845
but also across cities.

13:34.505 --> 13:38.565
So I think all of those are policy recommendations

13:38.675 --> 13:42.285
that would follow from this paper, with a caveat that,

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you know, one has

13:44.285 --> 13:46.925
to look at a more comprehensive welfare analysis

13:46.925 --> 13:48.285
before one concludes on any of these.

"Examining the Rapid Expansion and Socioeconomic Impacts of the Ride Hailing Market in India"

00:00:00 - This was rooted in the observation that the ride hailing market is a rapidly expanding and growing one. you know, as of 2023, this was at about $160 billion. and the size of the market also spoke to the promise of the market. you know, ride ha platforms. the, you know, the, the intent to leverage a whole host of tech enabled innovations that we outlined in the paper to push towards sustainable mobility, right? These could be interventions like dynamic pricing, efficient matching, pooling of rides, all of that. And a large stream of literature has also documented various socioeconomic
00:00:47 - to an expansion of the labor pool to include women and other groups that face barriers in traditional, work. and, you know, reduction of driver, moral hazard. There's a whole bunch of socioeconomic benefits that have been documented, and we wanted to examine this phenomenon in India where the growth of the market is significantly higher than that worldwide. for instance, in, for Uber, India is the third largest market by volume globally, and one of the fastest growing markets, right? It has over a million users on its platform. It's clocked to revenue of whatever, nearly, three 50
00:01:27 - And therefore, you know, it was, we, we thought it would be useful to study these impacts in the Indian context, which is under investigated. so both given the salience of the market, its relevance and the fact that it was under investigated set the context for this study. The transportation infrastructure is not terribly mature. and, you know, for instance, incentives to use public transport, present trade-offs in terms of quality of service, et cetera. and also, you know, what the ride hailing platforms have also done over time is
00:02:10 - for instance, they don't operate as private ride sharing platforms. They operate as commercial taxi operators here. And therefore, that brings into play, you know, while it provides benefits such as safety and benefits to, the supply, the labor supply, et cetera. however, there are costs that it imposes, which is what we study. in the paper ride sharing platforms have been implicated overall in worsening congestion. and, you know, and, and that's reflected in several policies such as congestion, pricing plans, et cetera, that have been passed in cities like Seattle and Chicago
00:02:49 - There were two gaps that we sought to address in the literature. One, there is limited evidence, especially causal of the relationship between ride hailing and congestion. This is Driven by essentially paucity of data and a whole bunch of empirical identification challenges, right? So that's one. the second is that, you know, there is, there are these countervailing impacts that the literature talks about. One class of studies says these services reduce congestion because they allow for demand pooling, the, and, and reduce the pressure on transportation infrastructure. They act as a compliment to public transport, and they reduce private ownership of vehicles. however, there's a whole bunch of recent studies,
00:03:31 - present causal, evidence, which show a different viewpoint, and they stock about deadheading substituting, public transport rather than complementing it and inducing trips, which I think is relevant to India as well, that would otherwise never have been made. Remember I said that, you know, the transportation infrastructure is not terribly mature, and therefore, perhaps these trips would not have been made, and therefore there was this theoretical ambiguity regarding the impact of right haing on congestion, which made it an interesting empirical question. And that's what we, you know, that's the gap, that we sought to address. And like I already mentioned, in addition to a reliable measure, of the causal relationship,

"Investigating the Impact of Ride-Hailing Services on Urban Congestion in India: A Comparative Analysis"

00:04:13 - and ascendant economies in general are under investigated or understudied, right? They've all, all empirical studies have almost exclusively focused on the United States. and, and therefore, it, it, you know, we thought it was, it would be useful a, a, a useful contribution to study this in the context of, India. The data was kind of serendipitous because, you know, there was, there was a lot of distress from so Uber, they were offering a certain, compensation to their drivers. They were taking off a certain commission fee, which they amped up, you know, over time. And the distress from reduced earnings, let both Ola and Uber drivers, which together, you know, control about 70% of the ride daily market in India,
00:04:57 - and Bangalore, somewhere in 2017, in the early part of 2017. And then the last reported strike, there was a ripple effect. And the last reported strike took place in Mumbai in October, 2018. So now for three different time intervals in these three major Indian cities spread over a period of a year and a half, you know, the strike allowed us to, allowed us to exogenously, estimate the impact of, you know, the absence of these services on congestion. So in terms of methods, what we did was, you know, it,
00:05:40 - we used, difference in differences approach by comparing the change in congestion levels in the affected cities in Mumbai, to a controlled city, Pune, which is very similar to Mumbai, that did not, you know, that that was not subject to the strike, right? And for Bangalore, we looked at the period of the strike and compared it with traffic for similar dates in the following year. And for Delhi, we used a regression discontinuity design, like a simple pre, pre-post, comparison, which compared the changes in congestion during the strike, to the pre-strike period. So all, and, and we estimated both distance
00:06:25 - of origin destination pairs, from Google Maps. So this allowed us to, and, and that was in essence a measure of congestion, right? So the travel time that it took between these, origin destination pairs was what we used. and we, we chose these endpoints to get coverage across these cities and also adequately measure variation in traffic. That's what we tried to do. and although they were not random, we manually chose the, chose these endpoints, they, they were still, most of them were arbitrarily chosen. So, you know, that that was something.
00:07:04 - and we used a variety of empirical models to estimate how, travel times changed. during the strike, after the strike, before the strike, to estimate, congestion in all the three cities, we find, a robust finding, which is that travel times were consistently lower during the periods of the strike. the, what we also did was we divided these origin destination pairs into siles of congestion based on, you know, pre-strike traffic data. we normalized that using, free flow traffic.
00:07:46 - this was comparable across origin destination points, but we found that the reductions were highest for the most congested regions during peak hours. And, and likely because, you know, these, these places were likely to witness maximum right? Hailing activity on a usual day, right? And, essentially emphasizing that, right? Hailing services were contributing significantly to congestion in these, cities studied. I can go into the magnitude of these effects, if you like, but that was the niche, that was the direction of the finding a substantive reduction in, in speeds. So there are studies which have looked at the US

"Assessing the Impact of Ride-Hailing Services on Congestion Costs: A Comparative Analysis of India and the U.S."

00:08:31 - right, because of right hailing services, roughly to the magnitude of about two and a half percent or so. And, you know, they translate these slowdowns to estimation of congestion costs of about $50 million annually, somewhere in the range of 35 to $50 million annually, back of envelope calculations. they further find that the, these costs are similar in magnitude to the consumer surplus generated by the right hailing platforms, and therefore they conclude that, you know, restricting or taxing this activity is unlikely
00:09:12 - Right? So that's what is the broad conclusion about the Western, at least I must say more specifically about, you know, c certain cities in the us This city that I'm talking about is Austin. For us, it was interesting 'cause the FX sizes were much larger than those reported in, you know, in the studies that were based in, in the United States, right? We found the effect sizes, congestion costs of about $2 million per day. And, which, which leads us to think about, you know, how is India different, right? or how are these economies different? And there are a few things that came out.
00:09:53 - because of regulatory barriers have obviously induced more of these drivers to participate on a full-time basis on these platforms. These are not private ride sharing, but they're registered as commercial taxi operators, which means that's like a full-time day, you know, a full daytime job, correct? and therefore there was a set of costs that was being, imposed, which is you're inducing drivers to operate full-time, and therefore you're increasing deadheading miles, right? The, the, the time that these cabs are driving around, vacant on streets, et cetera, they're not going off when traffic is, you know,
00:10:31 - They're, they're staying on the roads and, therefore, you know, it, in, in some sense, exploring the role of these regulations and the associated costs in moderating the supply of drivers, became important, right? And therefore, this led us, so deadheading was clearly one we, you know, we wanted to implicate, but we also were wanted to understand what were some of the other mechanisms. And there were two other mechanisms that we found in addition to deadheading, we find that one is deadheading, the second is recommendation of shorter routes, right? So when the, the, the, when these, platforms are off, you know, Google was recommending shorter routes
00:11:14 - between the original destination pe, right? and therefore it was important to account for these costs in terms of additional distance that people may be, choosing to travel to avoid congested streets in the center when the platforms are operational, right? That was the second. And the third thing was we looked at ridership data from the Delhi Metro, and we found that commuters in Delhi when the platforms were off were shifting to public transport, in the absence of the ride hailing services. So there was some substitution here that was going on in terms of public transport and ride hailing platforms. We don't do a welfare analysis in our study, and I think it's important for policy makers to perform a more, comprehensive welfare analysis
00:11:59 - you know, these platforms occurred to, to the city. And there, we, we don't do that, and that's definitely a topic for future research. but what we do find, you know, but there are certain clear implications that follow even from the findings, which is clearly management of supply is critical to the observed impacts on congestion. And given that, it, you know, we don't operate as private ride sharing platforms in, in India, you operate as commercial taxi operators. It's important to explore the role of these ride hailing regulations in India that allow

"Optimizing Ride-Hailing Operations: Policy Recommendations for Efficient Traffic Management and Public Transport Integration"

00:12:38 - Because if you're operating as a private ride sharing platform, you get off during the troughs, you come on the road during peaks and maybe pooling of demand, all of this happens far more efficiently, and that's not happening in this part of the world. So therefore, it becomes important to explore, given the benefits of the current set of regulations, what the costs are. The second is platform self-regulation, you know, through search pricing, et cetera, to ease out supply from congested areas. I mean, we, we have this whole analysis of traffic around the airport area where clearly deadheading can be eliminated and, you know, you can get these folks off the road at that point in time.
00:13:46 - to make public transport more effective. This could be by adding routes, it could be by reducing fares, and, you know, improving the coverage of public transport, not just within cities, but also across cities. So I think all of those are policy recommendations that would follow from this paper, with a caveat that, you know, one has to look at a more comprehensive welfare analysis before one concludes on any of these.

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