Disablist school violence: experiences of young people with dwarfism in the United Kingdom

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Antonios Ktenidis explores the first-hand accounts of disablist school violence experienced by young people with dwarfism during their secondary education in the United Kingdom.

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Antonios Ktenidis explores the first-hand accounts of disablist school violence experienced by young people with dwarfism during their secondary education in the United Kingdom.

Image courtesy of interviewee. August 5, 2024

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This video is a detailed discussion about encounters with school violence, particularly focusing on the experiences of young people with dwarfism. The conversation begins with an introduction to dwarfism, its definitions, and the terminology surrounding it. The speaker then discusses their research, which examines bullying experiences of individuals with dwarfism in secondary education in the United Kingdom. Previous studies have shown a high incidence of violence against these individuals, often leading to severe emotional distress.

The research utilizes frameworks from critical disability studies and a post-structuralist approach to understand the systemic roots of bullying. The narrative qualitative methodology involved young participants sharing their stories through various forms, emphasizing their agency in narrating their experiences.

Findings reveal that young people face multiple forms of violence: physical, cultural, and systemic. Physical violence often occurs in less supervised areas, while cultural violence is evident in derogatory comments and discrimination. Systemic violence highlights the inadequacies of school responses to bullying complaints. The individuals' narratives challenge the notion of disabled people as mere victims, instead showcasing their resilience and reactions to the bullying they face.

The study calls for a revised understanding of school violence contextualized within the framework of disability and encourages further research into the intersections of disability with other identities such as race and gender. It also stresses the need for practical revisions of educational policies and effective interventions to address bullying in schools. Overall, the findings underscore the importance of recognizing the complexity of violence against individuals with disabilities and advocate for more effective support and action from educational institutions.

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Here are some key quotes and points extracted from the video you :

1. **Definition of Dwarfism**:
- "DSM is an impairment characterized by a stature of four feet and 10 inches or 147 centimeters or below, and is often accompanied by a disproportionate body size."

2. **Experiences of Violence**:
- "Previous studies discussed how young people with dwarfism in general do get to experience a lot of violence in their everyday life."
- "They are infantilized, meaning that they are treated as children, receiving hostile comments with reference to stereotypical cultural representations."

3. **Forms of Violence Encountered**:
- "Types of violence experienced include being stared at, touched without consent, and even being photographed without their consent."
- "There are games which are still legal, such as dwarf tossing, where people with dwarfism are actually being objectified."

4. **Mental Health Impacts**:
- "A young person with dwarfism in Australia was recorded by his mother in tears due to the bullying he was experiencing at school, saying he wanted to take his life away."

5. **Critical Disability Studies**:
- "Critical Disability Studies basically question medicalized deficit understandings of disability and offers a theoretical framework which enables an understanding of the role of disablement as a form of social oppression."

6. **The Nature of Bullying**:
- The dominant discourse around bullying is often characterized as "individual pathological models" which perpetuate a culture of individual blame rather than addressing systemic issues.
- "Bullying is understood as... a construction embedded in discursive practice that arises from a network of systems of institutional, historical and political relations."

7. **Participant Agency and Resistance**:
- "Stories shifted the focus from disability as a problem and the trigger of violence to the violence of disables as manifested in schools."
- "Many people talked about how their friends were very protective of them... Friendship was something that was very important in the battle against bullying."

8. **Cultural and Systemic Violence**:
- "Schools basically have policies and procedures in place to deal with bullying... however, young people reported that teachers didn’t do anything when they were reporting such issues."
- "This lack of action contributes towards legitimizing even unintentionally bullying behaviors."

9. **Future Research Directions**:
- "We need to hear more directly from disabled children and young people about their experiences of school violence."
- "Thinking about the intersection of DSM and gender and social class and race... to provide an even more nuanced understanding of those intersections."

10. **Implications for Educational Policies**:
- "Statistical evidence still indicates high percentages of disabled young people experiencing violence than their non-disabled peers."
- "Educational practitioners... should not mistrust when young people share their experiences but should actually act on them."

These quotes highlight the serious implications of bullying and violence faced by individuals with dwarfism, the systemic issues involved, and the importance of recognizing and valuing participant narratives in research.

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DSM is an impairment characterized by a statue

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of four feet and 10 inches or 147 centimeters

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or below, and is often accompanied

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by a de disproportionate body size.

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And there are some other two terms used such

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as little people, which is more prominent in the American

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context, and sometimes it's also been perceived

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as in fertilizing.

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Uh, there is also the term sword statute

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or people with restricted growth.

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And these terms are reflected in the different

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associations in the uk.

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So there is a restricted growth association,

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little people in the uk,

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dwarf Sports Association and so on.

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My study was focusing on the schooling experiences

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of young people with dwarfism in secondary

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education in the United Kingdom.

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And part of it was

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because of previous studies that did discuss about

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how young people

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and people with dwarfism in general do get

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to experience a lot of violence in their everyday life.

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So some scholars such as Erin Prichart, Leslie, Ellie, Tom,

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sex experts, and also disabled activists with dwarfism such

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as Eugene Grant Ka

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and Rebecca Coley discussed form, forms of violence such

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as being in Infantalized, in infantalized, meaning

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that they are treated as children, receiving hostile

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comments with reference to stereotypical

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cultural representations being stared at

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being taken photographs

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or recorded without their consent being,

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touched their hair, for example, when in public

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and sometimes even picked up without, their consent.

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And in some countries, there,

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there are some games which are still legal, such as,

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dwarf tossing were people

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with dwarfism are actually being objectified.

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Their bodies are being used as objects in the context

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of, a game.

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And there are also many testimonies of young people who

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that have been shared in public in various platforms such

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as new PA newspapers, social media accounts,

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where they do talk about the violence they've

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experienced in school context.

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And it was only a few years ago where a young person

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with dwarfism, in Australia was recorded

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by his mother in tears due

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to the bullying he was experiencing at school,

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saying actually that he wanted

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to take his life away in order to make sense

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of the school violence experienced by young people with dsm.

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I brought together two theoretical frameworks,

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critical disability studies,

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and the post-structuralist approach to bullying.

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So critical disability studies basically question

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medicalized deficit understandings of disability

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and offers a theoretical framework, which,

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enables an understanding of the role of disable

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and disable is defined.

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And I'm quoting here Carol Thoma, as a form

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of social oppression involving the social imposition

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of restrictions of activity on people with impairments

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and the socially en gendered undermining

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of their psycho-emotional wellbeing.

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So when it comes to disable violence such as disability,

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hate, crime, critical disability studies have done

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some extensive research.

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So I'm thinking here about the work of birds of Emerson

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and rule stone, homos.

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But one of the key papers that they came across was written

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by Goodland bru we call, where they were talking about how,

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disability and bullying

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and disabled people are often pathologized

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and they're constructed as exhibiting violent behavior

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or provoking violence against them.

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So to quote them, they were arguing

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that the violence experienced by disabled children

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and their families says more about, the dominant culture

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of disable than it does of the act

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of a few seemingly rational, unreasonable, mean,

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or violent individuals.

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So CDS critical disability studies enable us

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to challenge how disabilities understood

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and discussed within this bullying discourse,

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and also to consider the roots of disabled violence.

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So they see the responsibility

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for such violence from disability

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and the disabled person to the social, institutional

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and cultural underpinnings of such violence.

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When it comes to the post-structuralist approach,

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it does draw mainly on the work of fuko,

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and it was developed as an alternative

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to the dominant discourse, around bullying in order

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to look at the social institutional

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and societal factors that contribute to such violence.

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So this dominant bully, this dominant discourse of bullying

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is characterized as an individual pathological model,

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and it perpetuate the culture

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of individualistic blame instead of paying attention

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to those cultural, social systemic factors that permit

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for such violence to occur.

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So two key points from this post-structuralist perspective

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are bullying is understood as,

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and then quoting here,

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Walton a construction embedded in discursive practice

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that arises from a network of system of institutional,

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historical and political relations.

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And this definition actually pays attention to

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how societal norms are embedded in the school structure

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and how they then fuel bullying behavior.

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And then the post-structural approach draws attention

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to the power asymmetries, which have to do

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with students social position in relation

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to wider societal norms regarding race, gender, sexuality,

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ability, size, and so on.

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And what the paper is contributing is that

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bullying from a sociological post-structuralist perspective

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has been, examined in relation

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to certain identities such as sex and gender.

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So we do talk about sexist bullying.

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We do talk about homophobic

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or transphobic bullying, racist bullying,

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but disability still remains an elephant in the room

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or an absent presence.

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We do not talk as much about disable bullying

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or disabled school violence.

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So bringing these two perspectives together,

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critical disability studies and a post-structuralist

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approach enables this critical analysis

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of disabled school violence.

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And it doesn't fall into the trap of pathologizing

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or holding accountable just the individuals involved,

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but it explores how schools perpetuate the violence

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of disables This research,

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I adopted the narrative qualitative methodology.

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By that I mean that they invited young people

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between the ages of 11

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and 30 years old to become the storytellers

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of their own schooling experiences,

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and they had the agency to choose the means

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through which they could serve their story.

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So they could be done through oral storytelling.

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So participating in narrative interviews, whether one-to-one

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or in, pairs

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or in small focus groups written storytelling.

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So if they prefer to email some of their experiences,

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visual storytelling, some participants felt

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that they were more comfortable with visualizing

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and drawing their such experiences

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and digital storytelling, again,

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thinking about younger generations

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and how they engage with, social media and so on.

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So a web block where they could serve

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and type their stories.

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And this choice was in line with inclusive methods,

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which require researchers to be flexible

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and not dictate

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how participants should be serving their own experiences

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in order to identify and recruit participants.

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I advertise my research on events of social media platforms,

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but they have to say that this wasn't the most effective

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channel of recruitment, and they would say rightly so

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because of the, cyber bullying that many people

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with dwarfism experience.

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So why should they trust somebody that doesn't identify

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as somebody who has DSM

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and might be somebody, again that is trying

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to mock them in some way.

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So another, more effective means

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of recruiting participants was my membership,

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in certain associations for people with DSM in the uk

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and those associations do hold annual conventions

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where they meet, they book a space like a hotel,

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and they just are there enjoying their time,

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making friendships and so on.

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So my membership brought me access to such events.

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So when I was able to meet potential participants in person,

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just have a chat about the research,

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but also get to know each other,

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it proved much more effective, method

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where people actually came forward

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and said, yes, we would like to be part of your research.

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So 19 people in total, 10 teenagers and nine adults.

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For the teenagers there, a chaperone was there as well,

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whether it was a mother or a family member.

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And again, it's worth highlighting my positionality

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as a person without dsm, meaning

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that I do not have personally lived experience of it.

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And some of the scholars I mentioned earlier, such

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as Evan Pri and Leslie Ellis

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and Tom Shakespeare, they all identify as people with dsm.

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So do the activists that I named earlier.

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So I would definitely also encourage reader to go

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and engage with their, work.

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But my positionality had an impact throughout the whole

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research process from the recruitment.

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So which associations I could become a member

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of my rationale

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and eligibility to do this research all the way

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to the analysis of the stories that,

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the participants shared with me.

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The stories that we will be discussing illustrate

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graphically school violence experienced by young people

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with dm, and it's, it's almost a trigger warning,

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but also Walton refers to this narratives of bullying

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as difficult knowledge.

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And it's proposed that this difficult knowledge concerns

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both sides of the podium, the narrator.

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So the person who is serving the story as well

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as the audience who are the recipients of this story.

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And what he was quite conscious when he was writing about

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those stories is the

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how they might feed into a voyeuristic interest in the

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tragic stories of disability

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and objectify embodied experiences of oppression

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and contribute to victimizing

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and pathologizing young people with dsm.

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So I didn't want those stories to become the objects

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of sensationalism,

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but they wanted to highlight their disruptive potential,

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how they actually get us

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to think about the more multifaceted violence young people

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with dualism experience at school,

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and how they make us rethink the relationship

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between bullying, disability and schooling.

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So to organize those findings, I did draw on a paper written

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by, Goodley

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and Wick Cole called The Violence of Disables,

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where they distinguished

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between four different forms of violence.

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They talked about real violence, cultural violence,

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psycho-emotional and systemic violence,

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and they took a similar path

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and organized the stories into stories of physical violence,

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cultural violence, systemic violence,

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and stories of resistance.

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So I'll try to give you a sense of its type of,

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the stories by referring to the participants' accounts

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as well as trying to provide an explanation

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of what was happening there.

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The dominant discourse of bullying often recognizes

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or distinguishes between verbal and physical violence

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and other forms of violence then remain unacknowledged.

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So I thought it's very important

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to actually recognize these other forms also

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through the reference to systemic violence is a way

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as they will elaborate to hold schools accountable for

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how their mechanism, how their ways of working actually

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permits such violence to take place, in the first place.

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So when it comes to the physical violence, I'll start

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with a story from Paul who said

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that when he was in the third year in secondary school,

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there was this guy that was, that kept chasing him,

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and that he tried, he kept trying to beat him all the time,

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even in spaces like the playground

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where there would be other children, so there would be

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many bystanders,

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and he was getting beaten, punched and so on.

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So again, playgrounds have been reported

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as places in which disabled young people experience bullying

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most frequently, mainly

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because there is less adult surveillance.

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And the same has been said sometimes about school corridors

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or changing facilities as well.

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And it was indicated that it was mostly male participants

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that experienced physical violence.

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On the other hand, when it comes to cultural violence,

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two stories that were said were the following.

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So the first story was byline where she said about another,

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peer that she's called me sort.

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I've had that I've had, when she said, I know this is

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so good, she also used the M word.

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That's how people referred, to it

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and how this was again, wanted, how this was very rude

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and how Lynn wanted to hide herself.

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And then Ranya also talked about

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how people on the streets called here awar, the M ward

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and other offensive terms

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and such, encounters with cultural violence were daily

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and were also reported in other studies,

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and I'm quoting here quickly,

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and, an activist with dwarfism words.

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It talks about how the dwarfism community's specific history

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with the entertainment industry adds distinct nuance

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to this conversation, which makes different than kids

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with disabilities other than dsm.

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So she talks how we have centuries

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of transactional power dynamics between us

14:47.125 --> 14:48.165
and the average ages.

14:48.745 --> 14:53.005
We have Oz, we have Santa, we have have Umas who have Game

14:53.005 --> 14:54.325
of Thrones and so on.

14:54.985 --> 14:58.125
And Aaron Pre's Ward has been central

14:58.745 --> 15:02.205
in naming such violence as disability hate speechs

15:02.205 --> 15:05.005
and disability hate crime, indicating

15:05.185 --> 15:08.725
how cultural representations, how people with

15:09.305 --> 15:13.485
DSM are depicted in, our TV in media

15:13.665 --> 15:16.765
and so on, have very real repercussions

15:17.305 --> 15:20.525
for the everyday life of people with dsm.

15:21.595 --> 15:24.285
When it comes to systemic violence, as I said earlier,

15:24.515 --> 15:28.365
that refers to the workings of systems that ensure

15:28.365 --> 15:30.445
that possible anti descendants

15:30.465 --> 15:32.565
of real violence are never addressed.

15:33.185 --> 15:35.525
So schools basically have policies

15:35.525 --> 15:38.565
and procedures in place to deal with bullying.

15:39.305 --> 15:41.405
For example, students are encouraged

15:41.405 --> 15:45.365
to disclose something like that to adult staff member

15:45.835 --> 15:49.165
with the expectation that the latter will intervene.

15:49.675 --> 15:53.935
However, the young people that talked to me reported

15:54.045 --> 15:57.335
that teachers or teaching assistants didn't do

15:57.855 --> 16:00.855
anything when they were reporting such issues.

16:01.155 --> 16:03.255
And sometimes they were even mistrusted,

16:03.255 --> 16:04.335
they weren't believed.

16:05.565 --> 16:08.615
Also, another participant talked about how she had

16:08.615 --> 16:12.015
to write reports, like a written statement about the

16:12.015 --> 16:15.335
experience, but then nothing was done in terms

16:15.335 --> 16:16.375
of following that up.

16:16.995 --> 16:21.775
So this pile of recent sta of written statements is elusive

16:21.835 --> 16:26.255
of what Walton refers to as the administrative disregard

16:26.795 --> 16:30.855
in the guise of concern, meaning that schools appear

16:30.875 --> 16:32.895
to be concerned about such incidents,

16:33.355 --> 16:34.855
but then take no action.

16:35.595 --> 16:38.615
So this lack of action is actually disables

16:38.915 --> 16:43.175
and contributes towards legitimizing even unintentionally

16:43.775 --> 16:44.855
bullying behaviors.

16:45.475 --> 16:49.175
So systemic violence then functions as a vicious circle

16:49.785 --> 16:54.175
where the very means put forward to eliminate bullying, such

16:54.195 --> 16:57.335
as disclosing to an adult are also part

16:57.335 --> 16:58.615
of the problem of bullying.

16:59.875 --> 17:01.535
And the last type of stories

17:01.535 --> 17:03.935
that they talk about are the stories of resistance.

17:04.765 --> 17:08.605
Were the young people talked about how they tried

17:09.025 --> 17:11.005
to defend themselves against the violence

17:11.115 --> 17:12.485
that they were experiencing.

17:13.265 --> 17:14.845
So Paul that I mentioned earlier

17:14.845 --> 17:16.445
that was getting beaten earlier,

17:17.185 --> 17:21.325
he talked about some at some point how he had to punch back

17:21.325 --> 17:24.725
because he was in such a vulnerable space

17:24.895 --> 17:27.045
where he couldn't find any other way.

17:28.175 --> 17:31.715
And again, fighting back has been found to be a common

17:32.515 --> 17:35.595
strategy for male young people as a way

17:35.595 --> 17:36.995
of counteracting bullying.

17:38.015 --> 17:40.195
And this strategy is contested

17:40.405 --> 17:44.555
where we think about you shouldn't, balance,

17:44.775 --> 17:47.395
you shouldn't fight violence with violence.

17:48.375 --> 17:52.045
And many schools that have zero, tolerance policies

17:52.045 --> 17:55.005
around bullying would then punish even the person

17:55.145 --> 17:56.325
who punched back.

17:57.145 --> 18:00.205
But it's also a, a reassertion of agency

18:01.065 --> 18:02.565
and the recla, the reclaiming

18:02.665 --> 18:04.125
of a place in the social system,

18:04.355 --> 18:06.165
even from a subordinate place.

18:07.075 --> 18:08.765
This idea of punching back,

18:09.085 --> 18:11.365
fighting back was also the last resort.

18:11.465 --> 18:13.165
It was the last option

18:13.515 --> 18:15.885
because the participants did realize

18:16.075 --> 18:18.045
that there weren't other means

18:18.745 --> 18:20.525
or the means that they were presented

18:20.525 --> 18:23.445
with weren't effective into eliminating this bullying.

18:24.265 --> 18:26.045
And another interesting strategy

18:26.505 --> 18:28.885
of resistance was friendship.

18:29.465 --> 18:32.125
So many people talked about how their friends

18:32.675 --> 18:37.165
were very protective of them, but not in an izing way.

18:37.665 --> 18:41.205
So if other people were staring at them, they would,

18:41.305 --> 18:42.485
sit in front of their friend

18:42.505 --> 18:44.725
and they would potentially call out those

18:44.985 --> 18:46.085
who were staring at them.

18:46.865 --> 18:50.005
But then the person with dwarfism would say also

18:50.005 --> 18:52.365
to their friends, okay, let's let it go

18:52.545 --> 18:53.925
or let's go somewhere else.

18:54.265 --> 18:55.965
So they had their agency about

18:56.385 --> 18:59.085
how their friends should conduct as well.

18:59.545 --> 19:02.205
And they think it's important to recognize friendship

19:02.385 --> 19:04.645
as a means of resistance towards bullying

19:05.275 --> 19:08.605
because a lot of the psychological discourse,

19:08.605 --> 19:11.315
psychological studies do mention

19:11.855 --> 19:14.035
how disabled young people get bullied

19:14.145 --> 19:16.395
because of lack of friendships.

19:17.555 --> 19:21.415
But in my research, actually, friendship was something that

19:22.395 --> 19:25.615
was very important in the battle against bullying.

19:25.835 --> 19:28.495
The study highlighted the multifaceted violence,

19:29.075 --> 19:32.055
the physical, the cultural, the systemic that young people

19:32.485 --> 19:36.015
with dfi encounter in secondary schools, as well

19:36.015 --> 19:37.095
as how they resisted.

19:37.555 --> 19:41.175
And the participant stories challenge the dominant discourse

19:41.175 --> 19:45.655
of bullying in numerous ways, which is has implications of

19:45.835 --> 19:48.135
how disabled school violence is understood.

19:48.915 --> 19:52.615
So firstly, in opposition to this dominant discourse

19:52.615 --> 19:55.575
of bullying, which represents disabled young people

19:55.635 --> 19:59.335
as provocative victims of the violence against them,

19:59.985 --> 20:03.735
these stories shifted the focus from disability as a problem

20:04.235 --> 20:08.215
and the trigger of violence to the violence of disables

20:08.715 --> 20:12.655
as manifested in schools in particular, the social,

20:13.255 --> 20:15.935
cultural, and institutional underpinnings of such violence

20:16.525 --> 20:19.535
were recognized and indicated that schools

20:19.635 --> 20:23.175
and culture play a major role in the production

20:23.175 --> 20:24.855
and reproduction of such violence.

20:25.975 --> 20:28.455
Secondly, within this dominant discourse

20:28.455 --> 20:30.855
of bullying disabled, young people are represented

20:30.915 --> 20:33.375
as passive victims of school violence.

20:34.045 --> 20:36.935
However, participant stories depicted

20:37.275 --> 20:40.415
how disabled young people have agency

20:40.755 --> 20:43.015
and they resist against such violence.

20:43.995 --> 20:45.095
But having said that,

20:45.455 --> 20:49.605
participants found themselves trapped in this vicious circle

20:49.705 --> 20:53.605
of school violence as the proposed strategies of schools

20:53.625 --> 20:56.485
to eliminate bullying proved to be ineffective,

20:57.025 --> 20:59.365
and their attempt to use other strategies

21:00.085 --> 21:02.925
resulted in them getting disciplined and or punished.

21:03.505 --> 21:07.165
And unlike previous studies, which attribute the experiences

21:07.165 --> 21:10.205
of school violence, of disabled young people to a lack

21:10.205 --> 21:12.925
of friendship, this study indicated

21:13.145 --> 21:15.005
how friendship was a central mean

21:15.265 --> 21:17.445
to resisting the school violence against them.

21:18.185 --> 21:21.405
So this stories emerging all the disruptive potential

21:21.865 --> 21:25.285
as they challenge the ways bullying disability

21:25.745 --> 21:28.085
and the relationship between the two has been

21:28.085 --> 21:29.125
understood so far.

21:29.735 --> 21:33.925
These accounts speak back to discourses that pathologize

21:34.225 --> 21:36.565
and hold accountable, disabled young people

21:37.265 --> 21:38.965
for the violence against them.

21:39.665 --> 21:41.605
The violence they deal with is not

21:41.605 --> 21:43.125
because of their disability,

21:43.825 --> 21:45.725
but due to the violence of disable,

21:46.295 --> 21:48.605
which is perpetuated in the context of school

21:49.495 --> 21:52.845
where disability is still understood as a deficit.

21:53.955 --> 21:57.125
When it comes to future research, I would say we need

21:57.125 --> 22:00.885
to hear more they directly from disabled children

22:01.105 --> 22:04.485
and young people about their experiences of school violence

22:04.665 --> 22:06.285
and to do so in a sensitive way

22:06.875 --> 22:11.565
because adult ways of understanding bullying might differ

22:12.315 --> 22:15.405
from how children and young people understand bullying.

22:15.865 --> 22:17.805
And they think that's a key difference

22:17.805 --> 22:20.925
because those policies, anti-bullying policies

22:20.925 --> 22:24.045
and so on, are always written from adults

22:24.635 --> 22:26.085
with the children in mind,

22:26.465 --> 22:29.405
but do not always capture the nuances of the violence

22:30.075 --> 22:33.285
experienced by the children and young people themselves.

22:34.365 --> 22:39.045
I would also encourage the more intersectional analysis

22:39.045 --> 22:41.685
of school violence, which I do not offer

22:41.685 --> 22:42.885
in this particular paper.

22:43.505 --> 22:46.685
But thinking for example, about the intersection of DSM

22:46.945 --> 22:50.965
and gender and social class and race

22:51.225 --> 22:54.725
and so on, to provide an even more,

22:55.555 --> 22:58.165
nuanced understanding of those intersections,

22:58.165 --> 22:59.565
of those different identities

22:59.565 --> 23:03.285
and how school violence, builds on that.

23:03.625 --> 23:04.845
So works such as Watson

23:04.845 --> 23:07.645
and would be a good point,

23:07.745 --> 23:09.645
if somebody was to pursue that.

23:10.225 --> 23:12.645
And when it comes to the implications of those findings,

23:12.885 --> 23:16.645
I think again, thinking about educational policies,

23:16.995 --> 23:20.005
anti-bullying campaigns, we have a lot of that.

23:20.625 --> 23:24.525
But in reality, statistical evidence still indicates

23:25.075 --> 23:28.725
high percentages of disabled young people in particular

23:29.285 --> 23:31.205
experiencing lots

23:31.425 --> 23:34.445
and more violence that their non-disabled peers.

23:35.065 --> 23:38.685
So even if we have those policies, in place,

23:39.675 --> 23:42.405
they are either not enacted effectively

23:43.065 --> 23:44.685
or they are not achieving

23:45.035 --> 23:46.125
What they are meant to.

23:46.665 --> 23:48.365
So I think we need to revisit

23:48.505 --> 23:51.765
and rethink about how those policies

23:52.385 --> 23:53.845
are discussing bullying.

23:54.315 --> 23:57.325
What are the strategies they propose to eliminate it?

23:57.825 --> 24:00.445
And they think educational practitioners, teachers,

24:00.725 --> 24:03.885
teaching assistants do have a central role as well.

24:04.385 --> 24:07.605
Not to mistrust, not to,

24:07.945 --> 24:11.005
not believe when participant, when young people serve

24:11.005 --> 24:14.605
with them such stories, but actually act on them

24:14.605 --> 24:17.805
because this report of trust is so important.

24:17.905 --> 24:22.165
If any sort of disclosure was take place in the first place.

"Understanding Dwarfism: Terminology, Experiences, and Theoretical Frameworks on Violence Against Individuals with Dwarfism"

00:00:00 - DSM is an impairment characterized by a statue of four feet and 10 inches or 147 centimeters or below, and is often accompanied by a de disproportionate body size. And there are some other two terms used such as little people, which is more prominent in the American context, and sometimes it's also been perceived as in fertilizing. there is also the term sword statute or people with restricted growth. And these terms are reflected in the different associations in the uk. So there is a restricted growth association, little people in the uk, dwarf Sports Association and so on.
00:00:45 - of young people with dwarfism in secondary education in the United Kingdom. And part of it was because of previous studies that did discuss about how young people and people with dwarfism in general do get to experience a lot of violence in their everyday life. So some scholars such as Erin Prichart, Leslie, Ellie, Tom, sex experts, and also disabled activists with dwarfism such as Eugene Grant Ka and Rebecca Coley discussed form, forms of violence such as being in Infantalized, in infantalized, meaning
00:01:26 - comments with reference to stereotypical cultural representations being stared at being taken photographs or recorded without their consent being, touched their hair, for example, when in public and sometimes even picked up without, their consent. And in some countries, there, there are some games which are still legal, such as, dwarf tossing were people with dwarfism are actually being objectified. Their bodies are being used as objects in the context of, a game. And there are also many testimonies of young people who
00:02:08 - as new PA newspapers, social media accounts, where they do talk about the violence they've experienced in school context. And it was only a few years ago where a young person with dwarfism, in Australia was recorded by his mother in tears due to the bullying he was experiencing at school, saying actually that he wanted to take his life away in order to make sense of the school violence experienced by young people with dsm. I brought together two theoretical frameworks, critical disability studies, and the post-structuralist approach to bullying. So critical disability studies basically question
00:02:50 - and offers a theoretical framework, which, enables an understanding of the role of disable and disable is defined. And I'm quoting here Carol Thoma, as a form of social oppression involving the social imposition of restrictions of activity on people with impairments and the socially en gendered undermining of their psycho-emotional wellbeing. So when it comes to disable violence such as disability, hate, crime, critical disability studies have done some extensive research. So I'm thinking here about the work of birds of Emerson and rule stone, homos.
00:03:31 - by Goodland bru we call, where they were talking about how, disability and bullying and disabled people are often pathologized and they're constructed as exhibiting violent behavior or provoking violence against them. So to quote them, they were arguing that the violence experienced by disabled children and their families says more about, the dominant culture of disable than it does of the act of a few seemingly rational, unreasonable, mean, or violent individuals. So CDS critical disability studies enable us

"Exploring the Roots and Dynamics of Disabled Bullying: A Post-Structuralist Perspective"

00:04:12 - and discussed within this bullying discourse, and also to consider the roots of disabled violence. So they see the responsibility for such violence from disability and the disabled person to the social, institutional and cultural underpinnings of such violence. When it comes to the post-structuralist approach, it does draw mainly on the work of fuko, and it was developed as an alternative to the dominant discourse, around bullying in order to look at the social institutional and societal factors that contribute to such violence. So this dominant bully, this dominant discourse of bullying
00:04:57 - and it perpetuate the culture of individualistic blame instead of paying attention to those cultural, social systemic factors that permit for such violence to occur. So two key points from this post-structuralist perspective are bullying is understood as, and then quoting here, Walton a construction embedded in discursive practice that arises from a network of system of institutional, historical and political relations. And this definition actually pays attention to how societal norms are embedded in the school structure and how they then fuel bullying behavior.
00:05:39 - to the power asymmetries, which have to do with students social position in relation to wider societal norms regarding race, gender, sexuality, ability, size, and so on. And what the paper is contributing is that bullying from a sociological post-structuralist perspective has been, examined in relation to certain identities such as sex and gender. So we do talk about sexist bullying. We do talk about homophobic or transphobic bullying, racist bullying, but disability still remains an elephant in the room
00:06:20 - We do not talk as much about disable bullying or disabled school violence. So bringing these two perspectives together, critical disability studies and a post-structuralist approach enables this critical analysis of disabled school violence. And it doesn't fall into the trap of pathologizing or holding accountable just the individuals involved, but it explores how schools perpetuate the violence of disables This research, I adopted the narrative qualitative methodology. By that I mean that they invited young people between the ages of 11
00:07:03 - of their own schooling experiences, and they had the agency to choose the means through which they could serve their story. So they could be done through oral storytelling. So participating in narrative interviews, whether one-to-one or in, pairs or in small focus groups written storytelling. So if they prefer to email some of their experiences, visual storytelling, some participants felt that they were more comfortable with visualizing and drawing their such experiences and digital storytelling, again, thinking about younger generations and how they engage with, social media and so on.
00:07:45 - and type their stories. And this choice was in line with inclusive methods, which require researchers to be flexible and not dictate how participants should be serving their own experiences in order to identify and recruit participants. I advertise my research on events of social media platforms, but they have to say that this wasn't the most effective channel of recruitment, and they would say rightly so because of the, cyber bullying that many people with dwarfism experience. So why should they trust somebody that doesn't identify

"Navigating Research Dynamics: Engaging with Communities and Ethical Considerations in Studying School Violence Among Young People with Dwarfism"

00:08:27 - and might be somebody, again that is trying to mock them in some way. So another, more effective means of recruiting participants was my membership, in certain associations for people with DSM in the uk and those associations do hold annual conventions where they meet, they book a space like a hotel, and they just are there enjoying their time, making friendships and so on. So my membership brought me access to such events. So when I was able to meet potential participants in person, just have a chat about the research,
00:09:08 - it proved much more effective, method where people actually came forward and said, yes, we would like to be part of your research. So 19 people in total, 10 teenagers and nine adults. For the teenagers there, a chaperone was there as well, whether it was a mother or a family member. And again, it's worth highlighting my positionality as a person without dsm, meaning that I do not have personally lived experience of it. And some of the scholars I mentioned earlier, such as Evan Pri and Leslie Ellis and Tom Shakespeare, they all identify as people with dsm.
00:09:50 - So I would definitely also encourage reader to go and engage with their, work. But my positionality had an impact throughout the whole research process from the recruitment. So which associations I could become a member of my rationale and eligibility to do this research all the way to the analysis of the stories that, the participants shared with me. The stories that we will be discussing illustrate graphically school violence experienced by young people with dm, and it's, it's almost a trigger warning, but also Walton refers to this narratives of bullying
00:10:29 - And it's proposed that this difficult knowledge concerns both sides of the podium, the narrator. So the person who is serving the story as well as the audience who are the recipients of this story. And what he was quite conscious when he was writing about those stories is the how they might feed into a voyeuristic interest in the tragic stories of disability and objectify embodied experiences of oppression and contribute to victimizing and pathologizing young people with dsm. So I didn't want those stories to become the objects of sensationalism, but they wanted to highlight their disruptive potential,
00:11:12 - to think about the more multifaceted violence young people with dualism experience at school, and how they make us rethink the relationship between bullying, disability and schooling. So to organize those findings, I did draw on a paper written by, Goodley and Wick Cole called The Violence of Disables, where they distinguished between four different forms of violence. They talked about real violence, cultural violence, psycho-emotional and systemic violence, and they took a similar path and organized the stories into stories of physical violence,
00:11:56 - and stories of resistance. So I'll try to give you a sense of its type of, the stories by referring to the participants' accounts as well as trying to provide an explanation of what was happening there. The dominant discourse of bullying often recognizes or distinguishes between verbal and physical violence and other forms of violence then remain unacknowledged. So I thought it's very important to actually recognize these other forms also through the reference to systemic violence is a way as they will elaborate to hold schools accountable for

"Unveiling the Reality of School Violence: Experiences of Physical and Cultural Abuse Among Disabled Students"

00:12:39 - permits such violence to take place, in the first place. So when it comes to the physical violence, I'll start with a story from Paul who said that when he was in the third year in secondary school, there was this guy that was, that kept chasing him, and that he tried, he kept trying to beat him all the time, even in spaces like the playground where there would be other children, so there would be many bystanders, and he was getting beaten, punched and so on. So again, playgrounds have been reported
00:13:19 - most frequently, mainly because there is less adult surveillance. And the same has been said sometimes about school corridors or changing facilities as well. And it was indicated that it was mostly male participants that experienced physical violence. On the other hand, when it comes to cultural violence, two stories that were said were the following. So the first story was byline where she said about another, peer that she's called me sort. I've had that I've had, when she said, I know this is so good, she also used the M word.
00:14:00 - and how this was again, wanted, how this was very rude and how Lynn wanted to hide herself. And then Ranya also talked about how people on the streets called here awar, the M ward and other offensive terms and such, encounters with cultural violence were daily and were also reported in other studies, and I'm quoting here quickly, and, an activist with dwarfism words. It talks about how the dwarfism community's specific history with the entertainment industry adds distinct nuance to this conversation, which makes different than kids
00:14:42 - So she talks how we have centuries of transactional power dynamics between us and the average ages. We have Oz, we have Santa, we have have Umas who have Game of Thrones and so on. And Aaron Pre's Ward has been central in naming such violence as disability hate speechs and disability hate crime, indicating how cultural representations, how people with DSM are depicted in, our TV in media and so on, have very real repercussions for the everyday life of people with dsm.
00:15:24 - that refers to the workings of systems that ensure that possible anti descendants of real violence are never addressed. So schools basically have policies and procedures in place to deal with bullying. For example, students are encouraged to disclose something like that to adult staff member with the expectation that the latter will intervene. However, the young people that talked to me reported that teachers or teaching assistants didn't do anything when they were reporting such issues. And sometimes they were even mistrusted,
00:16:05 - Also, another participant talked about how she had to write reports, like a written statement about the experience, but then nothing was done in terms of following that up. So this pile of recent sta of written statements is elusive of what Walton refers to as the administrative disregard in the guise of concern, meaning that schools appear to be concerned about such incidents, but then take no action. So this lack of action is actually disables and contributes towards legitimizing even unintentionally

"Challenging the Cycle of School Violence: Resistance Strategies and the Role of Friendship Among Disabled Youth"

00:16:45 - So systemic violence then functions as a vicious circle where the very means put forward to eliminate bullying, such as disclosing to an adult are also part of the problem of bullying. And the last type of stories that they talk about are the stories of resistance. Were the young people talked about how they tried to defend themselves against the violence that they were experiencing. So Paul that I mentioned earlier that was getting beaten earlier, he talked about some at some point how he had to punch back because he was in such a vulnerable space
00:17:28 - And again, fighting back has been found to be a common strategy for male young people as a way of counteracting bullying. And this strategy is contested where we think about you shouldn't, balance, you shouldn't fight violence with violence. And many schools that have zero, tolerance policies around bullying would then punish even the person who punched back. But it's also a, a reassertion of agency and the recla, the reclaiming of a place in the social system, even from a subordinate place.
00:18:09 - fighting back was also the last resort. It was the last option because the participants did realize that there weren't other means or the means that they were presented with weren't effective into eliminating this bullying. And another interesting strategy of resistance was friendship. So many people talked about how their friends were very protective of them, but not in an izing way. So if other people were staring at them, they would, sit in front of their friend and they would potentially call out those who were staring at them. But then the person with dwarfism would say also
00:18:52 - or let's go somewhere else. So they had their agency about how their friends should conduct as well. And they think it's important to recognize friendship as a means of resistance towards bullying because a lot of the psychological discourse, psychological studies do mention how disabled young people get bullied because of lack of friendships. But in my research, actually, friendship was something that was very important in the battle against bullying. The study highlighted the multifaceted violence, the physical, the cultural, the systemic that young people
00:19:36 - as how they resisted. And the participant stories challenge the dominant discourse of bullying in numerous ways, which is has implications of how disabled school violence is understood. So firstly, in opposition to this dominant discourse of bullying, which represents disabled young people as provocative victims of the violence against them, these stories shifted the focus from disability as a problem and the trigger of violence to the violence of disables as manifested in schools in particular, the social,
00:20:16 - were recognized and indicated that schools and culture play a major role in the production and reproduction of such violence. Secondly, within this dominant discourse of bullying disabled, young people are represented as passive victims of school violence. However, participant stories depicted how disabled young people have agency and they resist against such violence. But having said that, participants found themselves trapped in this vicious circle of school violence as the proposed strategies of schools

"Reassessing School Violence: The Role of Friendship and the Need for Inclusive Anti-Bullying Strategies for Disabled Youth"

00:20:57 - and their attempt to use other strategies resulted in them getting disciplined and or punished. And unlike previous studies, which attribute the experiences of school violence, of disabled young people to a lack of friendship, this study indicated how friendship was a central mean to resisting the school violence against them. So this stories emerging all the disruptive potential as they challenge the ways bullying disability and the relationship between the two has been understood so far. These accounts speak back to discourses that pathologize
00:21:37 - for the violence against them. The violence they deal with is not because of their disability, but due to the violence of disable, which is perpetuated in the context of school where disability is still understood as a deficit. When it comes to future research, I would say we need to hear more they directly from disabled children and young people about their experiences of school violence and to do so in a sensitive way because adult ways of understanding bullying might differ from how children and young people understand bullying.
00:22:17 - because those policies, anti-bullying policies and so on, are always written from adults with the children in mind, but do not always capture the nuances of the violence experienced by the children and young people themselves. I would also encourage the more intersectional analysis of school violence, which I do not offer in this particular paper. But thinking for example, about the intersection of DSM and gender and social class and race and so on, to provide an even more, nuanced understanding of those intersections,
00:22:59 - and how school violence, builds on that. So works such as Watson and would be a good point, if somebody was to pursue that. And when it comes to the implications of those findings, I think again, thinking about educational policies, anti-bullying campaigns, we have a lot of that. But in reality, statistical evidence still indicates high percentages of disabled young people in particular experiencing lots and more violence that their non-disabled peers. So even if we have those policies, in place,
00:24:17 - or they are not achieving What they are meant to. So I think we need to revisit and rethink about how those policies are discussing bullying. What are the strategies they propose to eliminate it? And they think educational practitioners, teachers, teaching assistants do have a central role as well. Not to mistrust, not to, not believe when participant, when young people serve with them such stories, but actually act on them because this report of trust is so important. If any sort of disclosure was take place in the first place.

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Disablist school violence: experiences of young people with dwarfism in the United Kingdom

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