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Caste and Partition in Bengal

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Sekhar Bandyopadhyay focuses on the caste question, and Dalit refugees in the long history of the Indian Partition.

Image courtesy of interviewee. March 28, 2024

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This video video discusses the emergence of self-consciousness among untouchable communities in Bengal, India, beginning in the late 19th century, particularly during the 1870s and 1880s. By the early 20th century, these communities, notably the Raj Bhe, NARA, and RA, became organized and active in mainstream politics, asserting their identities and fighting against caste discrimination.

The political movements led by these groups gained momentum, especially by the 1930s. During the 1937 elections, they successfully contested reserved seats, illustrating their growing political presence. However, with the onset of discussions about the partition of India in the mid-1940s, these movements faced significant division and challenges. They were largely affected by the proposed partition, which threatened their communities and the spaces they inhabited.

As the partition became a pressing issue, competing interests emerged among the Dali groups. Some aligned with the Muslim League, believing it would benefit them, while others sided with the Indian National Congress. This video video political fragmentation weakened their collective identity, and by the time of the partition in 1947, many Dalit individuals found themselves marginalized in the newly established political landscape of Pakistan.

The partition led to a significant migration of these communities to India. Initially, leaders advised them against migrating, but as the socio-political conditions deteriorated for Dalit groups in East Pakistan, many began to leave. Upon migrating, they faced new struggles as refugees, losing their previous identities and shifting their movements from anti-caste discrimination to issues surrounding rehabilitation and citizenship in India.

Overall, the text highlights the interplay between caste politics, identity, and the consequences of partition, emphasizing how the autonomy of Dalit movements diminished in the wake of political upheaval, shifting the focus of their struggles significantly after the partition.

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Here are 5 key points from the video:

1. **Emergence of Self-Consciousness Among Untouchable Communities**: The video discusses the growth of self-awareness within untouchable communities in Bengal during the late 19th century, where these groups began to identify themselves as "Dalit" or oppressed groups, asserting their identity and claiming equal status in society.

2. **Political Organization and Mainstream Politics**: By the early 20th century, particularly around the 1937 elections, some Dalit communities in Bengal had become well organized and active in politics, successfully contesting reserved seats in elections against mainstream political parties, notably the Indian National Congress.

3. **Impact of Partition on Dalit Movements**: The partition of India in 1947 significantly altered the political landscape for Dalit communities in Bengal, disrupting their collective identity and organization as they faced new challenges in the sociopolitical convideo of being in Pakistan.

4. **Division and Realignment of Political Affiliations**: The discourse around partition created divisions among Dalit leaders, with some aligning with the Muslim League while others sided with the Indian National Congress, leading to a fragmentation of the previously united Dalit political movement.

5. **Post-Partition Struggles and Identity Changes**: After partition, many Dalit communities, particularly the Nara, who migrated to India faced new identities as refugees, leading to a shift in focus from caste discrimination issues to the struggles for rehabilitation and citizenship in India, demonstrating a change in their political agendas and social dynamics.

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Here are some key quotes extracted from the video that highlight significant themes and ideas:

1. **Emergence of Self-Consciousness:**
"Bengal also witnessed the emergence of self-consciousness among the untouchable communities who later began to call themselves oppressed groups."

2. **Political Organization:**
"By the early 20th century, some of these groups were well organized and they had formed their associations and they were making their presence and influence felt in mainstream politics."

3. **Caste Discrimination and Identity:**
"Their main contention was to assert their identity and claim equal status, fight against caste discrimination."

4. **Impact of the Nationalist Movement:**
"They were protesting against the mainstream nationalist movement, which was mainly led by the upper caste people. Their agenda did not have anything which could benefit these lower caste groups."

5. **Significance of Space:**
"Another very significant aspect of these Dali movements was the significance of space... all these groups which became articulate and active in this protest movement were located in a very specified contiguous space."

6. **Effect of Partition:**
"The proposed partition threatened the integrity of the spaces that these people lived in for more than a hundred years."

7. **Rival Political Alignments:**
"This partition politics divided the unity of the shadow caste movement, the Dali movement in Bengal."

8. **Change in Focus Post-Partition:**
"After 1947...the agenda of their movement very significantly changed. Instead of arguing about caste discriminations...they began to focus more on the refugees problems like rehabilitation, and citizenship."

9. **Loss of Identity:**
"The Dalis got a new identity of refugee, and the refugee struggle replaced the Dali struggle of the earlier period."

10. **Re-emergence after Settlement:**
"Once again, that autonomous politics of the scheduled castes is coming back, but immediately after partition, we do not find this movement in its former glory."

These quotes encapsulate the historical convideo of caste movements in Bengal, the effects of partition, and the shifts in political alignment and identity among Dali groups.

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It's like any other part of India.

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Bengal also witnessed the emergence of self-consciousness

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among the untouchable communities who later began

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to call themselves d or oppressed groups.

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And this self awakening started from

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around late 19th century,

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say 1870s, 1880s.

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But, and by the early 20th century, some

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of these groups were well organized

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and they had formed their associations

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and they were making their presence

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and influence felt in mainstream politics.

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And so far as Bengal was concerned, this happened around

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two or three most numerous communities.

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Uh, one was, the Raj Bhe community

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who lived in North Bengal,

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and the other was the NARA community,

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which lived mainly in Eastern Bengal.

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There was another community called the RAs in South Bengal.

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So in other words, if you look at the location

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of this communities who were most active

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and articulate in, in projecting their new identity,

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new consciousness, the movement was located in certain

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regions within Bengal, say, not Bengal, east Bengal

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and South Bengal, and notably West Bengal

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and Central Bengal, where not that, kind of,

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active in this politics around this time.

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And un not until very recently.

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So their main contention was

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to assert their identity

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and claim equal status, fight against caste discrimination.

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And they were also asking for

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participation in the mainstream political life

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to have a share of political power.

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And they were protesting against,

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the mainstream nationalist movement, which was mainly led by

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the upper cast, people.

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And their agenda did not have anything which could,

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benefit these lower cast, DLI groups

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or who were previously known as the Untouchables.

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Um, so this was roughly the context.

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And this movement came to, ahead

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and it was quite well organized by the 1930s.

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And in 1937 election, which gift, which

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in which they had 30 reserve seats in Bengal, they,

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they contested the election as independent candidates.

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And in most of them, about 23 out of 30,

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these independent candidates won against the candidates

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who represented the mainstream political party like the

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Indian National Congress.

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So in other words, by 1937, they had met their presence,

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quite felt in mainstream politics.

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And then comes the partition

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and the partition kind of changes these, the,

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the contours of this autonomous poli politics

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of the Dali groups or untouchable group casts in Bengal.

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Another very significant aspect of these Dali movements

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was the significance of, space.

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If we look at the history of these caste movements,

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these were spearheaded by groups

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who lived in a very contiguous specified space.

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Like the Raj Bhi lived mainly in North Bengal

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in several districts like jpa, ur,

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and the, princely state of K Khar.

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Um, the NARA is mainly lived in,

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the Eastern Bengal districts of,

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UR Al Jor, aka, et cetera.

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And the RA in South Bengal in the,

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in 24 parkas are jaso kna mainly.

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So in other words, all these groups which became articulate

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and active in this protest

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movement were located in a very specified contiguous space.

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Now, this space was important both materially

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and emotionally to these people,

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and contributed, to the strength

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of their movement in the sense

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that the Raj Bhi were the auto people of that region.

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They had a tribal origin,

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and they had a history of state formation in that region.

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In fact, that particular area of North Bengal

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was very closely associated with their caste

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and community identity.

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Similarly, for the namas of Eastern Bengal,

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they lived in areas which were the mashy tracts

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and the forest areas.

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This was a group of untouchables

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who were doing various kinds of jobs beforehand,

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but in the 19th century,

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they reclaimed these marshy tracts and cleared the forests.

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And in these reclaimed lands, they emerged

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as a settled peasant community.

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So in other words, they were very closely emotionally

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associated with this area,

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which enabled their social mobility across

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the social hierarchy.

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And since they were leaving in a contiguous region,

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it was easier for them to mobilize their people

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for a social movement

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and eventually for a political movement as well.

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So the space was important, not only materially

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that they had possession their houses in that,

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but it was also emotionally important because the space

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and the ecology of that space enabled their social mobility.

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Over the past 50 or more years.

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In Bengal, the discussion of partition

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came at a very late stage in the 1940s, in the mid,

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not until mid 1940s,

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people in Bengal were talking about partition.

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Uh, it was only in 19 46, 47 that the partition, the talk

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of partition became so prominent in the public discourse.

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Now, if we look at the proposal to partition Bengal,

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the proposal line would very directly affect

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the spaces that were inhabited

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by these articulate Dali groups.

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For example, the space, the, the habitation areas

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of the Raj Bhi was meant to be,

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divided down the middle.

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Whereas, the areas in which, the

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NORAs lived was supposed to go entirely to East Pakistan

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if the proposed partition had gone through in,

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in the way it was proposed.

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And it fact fact, it, it happened in the same, in

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that particular way.

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So in other words, this proposed partition threatened

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this, the integrity of the spaces that these people

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lived in for a hun for more than a hundred years.

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So obviously they were, they were affected emotionally,

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and they were part tubed by this partition proposal.

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And they kind of participated

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very actively in this partition movement.

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Now, in historical literature until now,

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there was a dominant thinking, strain of thinking

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that since the untouchable groups, the Dali groups did not

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participate or, did not identify

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with the mainstream nationalist movement

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of the Indian National Congress.

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So when the partition discussion went on,

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when the partition movement

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and politics came into existence, they remained,

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silent on Lucas

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because they were not directly involved in this Hindu,

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Muslim, divide.

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Uh, that that was at the core of the partition politics.

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But that's, I mean, historical evidence, which I saw, in

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and which we, documented in this book, clearly showed

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that that was not the case.

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That when the partition proposal was being discussed,

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these people were very directly affected

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and emotionally part up

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because their spaces were going to be, disturbed by it.

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Particularly the namas, their space,

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their habital

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Habitation space was supposed to go entirely

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to East Pakistan.

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And in this eastern Bengal districts, their relationship

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with the Muslims was a very top sitar relationship

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that they, it was a kind of a love hate relationship.

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On the one hand, they collab, both were pea

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and communities both were, kind of oppressed

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by upper cast Hindu landlords.

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But on the other hand, they were also competing

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with each other for land and on our, in this same region.

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So what happened when the partition politics came,

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and when the Muslim League asked for entire Eastern Bengal,

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including the Noro habitation areas to go to East Pakistan,

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this group solidarity of the, of the Ros was divided.

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There was one group which was laid by Romal

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and the all India, she cast federation.

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They thought that being two peasant communities,

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there was a natural affinity of interest between the Muslims

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and the she cast of Dali groups.

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But on the other hand, there was another group which

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was also very dominant.

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And in fact, numeric, numerically, I would say the majority

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of these groups, they remember the history

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of competition and conflict with the Muslims.

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So they're not that comfortable

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about leaving in East Pakistan under a Muslim

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majority government.

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So the, the what happened in 1937 election,

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the old, there was no party of the Dali groups.

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All the Dali candidates fought the election as independence.

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They won majority of the sit.

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But in the 1946 election, which was just

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before the partition,

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and this 1946 election was entirely fought on the partition

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issue, this was kind of reversed.

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That is majority of the 30 reserve seats

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for these scheduled cast groups went

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to the Congress candidates, in other words,

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and the Schedule cast federation, which was wanting to go

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with the Muslim League one, only one sit Now, given the fact

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that only about 10%

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of the adult population had voting right,

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which was based on high educational

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and property qualifications, it was true

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that not all the Dali groups, very few of the Dali

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adults had voting right.

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But in, but at the same time, one has to remember that the,

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the Congress, which was fighting for United India

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and independence for United India

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was fighting this election to get a mandate

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for its own demands.

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And it had mobilized its full

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political strength in this election.

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And on the other hand, it's competitor for the Dali States

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where the All India schedule cast federation,

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which had just come into existence in 1943.

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So within these three years,

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they could not mobilize enough resources to compete with

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the juggernaut of the political machine

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of the Indian National Congress.

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And also the partition issue, rather than the caste issue

214
00:12:17.985 --> 00:12:20.205
became the major issue in this election.

215
00:12:21.025 --> 00:12:25.445
So in other words, this partition politics divided,

216
00:12:25.905 --> 00:12:28.925
the unity of the shadow caste movement,

217
00:12:28.945 --> 00:12:30.685
the Dali movement in Bengal.

218
00:12:31.185 --> 00:12:34.885
And at the same time, they lost their autonomy.

219
00:12:35.465 --> 00:12:37.845
So the all India Sheas Federation aligned

220
00:12:37.845 --> 00:12:38.965
with the Muslim League,

221
00:12:39.115 --> 00:12:41.925
whereas its rival group aligned with the Congress.

222
00:12:42.385 --> 00:12:46.085
So it was divided, and also it lost its autonomy.

223
00:12:46.665 --> 00:12:50.805
And that was one of the reasons which I ar I argue

224
00:12:51.595 --> 00:12:53.125
that after the partition,

225
00:12:54.225 --> 00:12:56.725
we do not find in West Bengal

226
00:12:57.025 --> 00:13:01.165
or East Bengal any autonomous schedule cast movement,

227
00:13:01.415 --> 00:13:02.605
which had been weakened

228
00:13:02.745 --> 00:13:05.285
before, partition by partition politics.

229
00:13:06.445 --> 00:13:08.405
I, I, I already touched,

230
00:13:08.675 --> 00:13:11.125
this topic in my earlier response.

231
00:13:11.745 --> 00:13:14.925
As I mentioned, there was, were two rival groups.

232
00:13:15.725 --> 00:13:18.365
I mean, they were all united by in 1930,

233
00:13:18.455 --> 00:13:20.285
after 1937 election,

234
00:13:20.905 --> 00:13:25.325
and they could assert their presence

235
00:13:25.945 --> 00:13:27.525
in the electoral politics

236
00:13:27.905 --> 00:13:30.125
and in the legislative council as well.

237
00:13:31.065 --> 00:13:34.165
And at the same time, the mainstream political party, the,

238
00:13:34.425 --> 00:13:38.485
the, the Congress was trying to court them, was trying

239
00:13:38.545 --> 00:13:40.365
to bring them to their side.

240
00:13:40.905 --> 00:13:43.845
And in the beginning of the 1940s,

241
00:13:44.385 --> 00:13:46.205
all these groups were kind

242
00:13:46.205 --> 00:13:49.565
of going towards the Congress towards mainstream politics.

243
00:13:50.465 --> 00:13:52.925
But then came the partition issue.

244
00:13:53.065 --> 00:13:55.205
And the partition issue really divided

245
00:13:55.785 --> 00:13:57.845
the leadership of this movement.

246
00:13:58.425 --> 00:14:01.525
On the one hand, there was Jugend Namal

247
00:14:02.105 --> 00:14:03.925
who was influenced by Dr.

248
00:14:04.745 --> 00:14:07.725
Rakers politics. In 1942, Dr.

249
00:14:08.265 --> 00:14:12.005
Raeker established the old India Shadow Cast Federation

250
00:14:13.065 --> 00:14:16.805
and projecting an autonomous identity

251
00:14:17.305 --> 00:14:20.485
of the Dali groups, which was distinct from

252
00:14:21.085 --> 00:14:22.725
a mainstream Hindu identity.

253
00:14:23.805 --> 00:14:26.445
Mdel was very much attracted to that politics.

254
00:14:26.745 --> 00:14:29.005
And the following year, in 1943,

255
00:14:30.815 --> 00:14:32.895
Mundel established a Bengal brunch

256
00:14:33.395 --> 00:14:35.415
of the All India shared cast Federation.

257
00:14:36.075 --> 00:14:38.015
But on the other hand, Gandhi

258
00:14:38.035 --> 00:14:41.335
and the Congress were also trying to

259
00:14:41.985 --> 00:14:43.615
bring in the Dali groups,

260
00:14:43.635 --> 00:14:46.095
the she cast groups into their fold.

261
00:14:46.915 --> 00:14:51.685
So Gandhi invited, some of the leaders like Pi Taku,

262
00:14:51.685 --> 00:14:54.485
who was one of the, the major,

263
00:14:54.615 --> 00:14:57.845
front ranking leader in the rival group to visit

264
00:14:58.475 --> 00:15:01.285
various provinces, which were being ruled

265
00:15:01.785 --> 00:15:03.405
by Congress ministries.

266
00:15:04.025 --> 00:15:07.845
So after this trip in 1946, Pierre ta fought that

267
00:15:08.555 --> 00:15:12.565
they had lot to gain by going with the Congress,

268
00:15:12.995 --> 00:15:14.285
whereas Mandel

269
00:15:15.225 --> 00:15:18.925
and his group thought that there was a natural affinity

270
00:15:19.145 --> 00:15:22.205
of interests and political ambitions

271
00:15:22.755 --> 00:15:26.245
between the Muslim peasants and the she cast,

272
00:15:26.305 --> 00:15:28.445
or the Dali peasants of Eastern Bengal.

273
00:15:28.905 --> 00:15:32.005
So it would be better for them to go with the Muslim League

274
00:15:32.705 --> 00:15:35.125
and the partition demand.

275
00:15:35.665 --> 00:15:37.405
On the other hand, Pierre Taur

276
00:15:37.905 --> 00:15:40.805
and his group went with the Congress.

277
00:15:41.345 --> 00:15:43.245
And in 1946 election,

278
00:15:43.605 --> 00:15:46.565
although Pierre Taur initially fought the election

279
00:15:46.585 --> 00:15:48.605
as an independent candidate, but

280
00:15:48.605 --> 00:15:50.685
after the election, he joined the Congress.

281
00:15:51.465 --> 00:15:54.925
So the schedule cast autonomous identity

282
00:15:56.115 --> 00:16:00.445
that was kind of overshadowed by this political alignment

283
00:16:00.905 --> 00:16:03.805
or political mobilization brought in

284
00:16:04.025 --> 00:16:05.925
by the partition issue.

285
00:16:06.685 --> 00:16:10.905
At the same time, when the partition happened, the Congress

286
00:16:10.925 --> 00:16:15.345
and the Hindu MAs fully supported the group led by Pia Taur.

287
00:16:15.725 --> 00:16:17.745
And their demand now was

288
00:16:17.845 --> 00:16:21.985
to have all the East penal districts, which were inhabited

289
00:16:21.985 --> 00:16:24.785
by the Naras to go to India

290
00:16:25.285 --> 00:16:27.945
and be part of the West Penal province,

291
00:16:27.945 --> 00:16:29.265
which became part of India.

292
00:16:29.805 --> 00:16:32.425
And in fact, Hindu Ma Saab supported this claim

293
00:16:32.425 --> 00:16:33.905
before the Ratcliff Commission,

294
00:16:34.125 --> 00:16:35.625
before the Boundary Commission,

295
00:16:35.625 --> 00:16:38.745
but it was not of course, accepted

296
00:16:38.805 --> 00:16:40.065
by the Boundary Commission.

297
00:16:41.005 --> 00:16:45.985
So in other words, this political alignment was very clear

298
00:16:46.605 --> 00:16:48.545
in 19 46, 47,

299
00:16:49.135 --> 00:16:53.545
that the autonomous united she cast movement was now divided

300
00:16:54.125 --> 00:16:56.705
and very politically polarized.

301
00:16:57.925 --> 00:17:02.735
When we were writing this, my recent book, cast

302
00:17:02.795 --> 00:17:05.895
and Partition in Bengal, our main question was,

303
00:17:07.045 --> 00:17:10.535
what happened to this powerful schedule cast movement

304
00:17:10.785 --> 00:17:14.535
after India became independent and the partition happened?

305
00:17:15.715 --> 00:17:18.015
So what we find is that

306
00:17:19.125 --> 00:17:21.335
when the partition actually happened,

307
00:17:22.435 --> 00:17:24.535
the main group which was affected

308
00:17:24.675 --> 00:17:28.255
by the partition were the norms as

309
00:17:28.795 --> 00:17:30.655
all the districts who lived

310
00:17:31.955 --> 00:17:33.855
in Eastern Bengal districts.

311
00:17:34.635 --> 00:17:37.455
All those areas went to East Pakistan.

312
00:17:38.555 --> 00:17:42.335
Now, initially, they did not migrate to India,

313
00:17:43.175 --> 00:17:46.295
although their natural affinity by this time was

314
00:17:46.365 --> 00:17:48.175
with the Congress and India.

315
00:17:48.835 --> 00:17:51.085
But they did not migrate initially

316
00:17:51.515 --> 00:17:55.525
because migration requires some initial

317
00:17:56.155 --> 00:17:59.125
migration capital, and they were poor,

318
00:17:59.625 --> 00:18:02.725
and they did not have the resources they could not think

319
00:18:02.745 --> 00:18:04.165
of leaving their land.

320
00:18:04.545 --> 00:18:09.085
And therefore they could not think of migration immediately

321
00:18:09.095 --> 00:18:10.165
after the partition.

322
00:18:10.165 --> 00:18:14.785
In 1947, also, leaders like Jo

323
00:18:15.465 --> 00:18:18.985
Mondal joined the Pakistan cabinet.

324
00:18:19.525 --> 00:18:21.465
He remained himself in Pakistan.

325
00:18:21.965 --> 00:18:26.825
And he also advised his followers not to migrate,

326
00:18:27.295 --> 00:18:28.945
stay put in Pakistan.

327
00:18:29.485 --> 00:18:31.225
And he tried to argue with them

328
00:18:31.615 --> 00:18:34.345
that their condition will be much better off

329
00:18:35.125 --> 00:18:39.505
in Pakistan rather than in India, which would be dominated

330
00:18:39.565 --> 00:18:41.025
by the upper caste Hindus.

331
00:18:41.895 --> 00:18:43.865
This went on for about three years.

332
00:18:45.045 --> 00:18:48.185
But within these three years in Pakistan,

333
00:18:48.795 --> 00:18:51.025
there was now the announcement

334
00:18:51.085 --> 00:18:54.585
and articulation of Islamic nationalism.

335
00:18:55.445 --> 00:18:59.305
And in this is this articulation of Islamic identity

336
00:18:59.565 --> 00:19:01.465
by Pakistan kind of

337
00:19:02.255 --> 00:19:07.185
made this scheduled cast Dali groups, the marginal minority.

338
00:19:08.485 --> 00:19:12.065
And then there was, I mean, there were, at the time

339
00:19:12.085 --> 00:19:15.945
of partition dalis groups in East Pakistan were thinking

340
00:19:15.945 --> 00:19:18.785
that they would be treated equally with the Muslim majority,

341
00:19:19.485 --> 00:19:20.545
but that did not happen.

342
00:19:22.165 --> 00:19:25.465
By 1950, it was very clear

343
00:19:26.015 --> 00:19:28.825
that these Dali groups in Pakistan were treated

344
00:19:29.405 --> 00:19:30.985
as a marginal minority,

345
00:19:31.405 --> 00:19:32.985
and they were not treated equally

346
00:19:33.055 --> 00:19:34.345
with the majority community.

347
00:19:35.125 --> 00:19:37.385
And then in 1950, there was a major riot.

348
00:19:38.445 --> 00:19:43.385
And after this riot, these lower cast peasant

349
00:19:44.275 --> 00:19:47.905
NORAs d groups began to migrate to India.

350
00:19:48.605 --> 00:19:50.105
In between 1950

351
00:19:50.165 --> 00:19:53.625
and 19 56, 2 0.4 million people, mostly

352
00:19:54.175 --> 00:19:57.425
Nora peasants migrated from East Pakistan to India.

353
00:19:58.325 --> 00:20:01.625
And when they came to India, several things happened.

354
00:20:01.625 --> 00:20:03.825
They lost their identity as D lead groups,

355
00:20:04.295 --> 00:20:05.585
they became refugees,

356
00:20:06.285 --> 00:20:10.985
and the refugees as a refugee, their their struggle was

357
00:20:11.205 --> 00:20:12.545
to get rehabilitation,

358
00:20:13.085 --> 00:20:15.665
to get their citizenship recognized in India.

359
00:20:16.285 --> 00:20:19.145
And that was a different kind of struggle,

360
00:20:20.855 --> 00:20:23.705
qualitatively different from their earlier struggle against

361
00:20:23.795 --> 00:20:25.985
caste discrimination and so on.

362
00:20:27.165 --> 00:20:29.225
So after 1947,

363
00:20:29.635 --> 00:20:34.585
after 1950, in fact, when they migrated to India, the agenda

364
00:20:34.645 --> 00:20:37.745
of their movement very, very significantly changed.

365
00:20:39.135 --> 00:20:42.905
Instead of arguing about caste discriminations

366
00:20:42.905 --> 00:20:45.345
and the caste question, they began

367
00:20:45.345 --> 00:20:49.885
to focus more on the refugees problems like rehab,

368
00:20:49.945 --> 00:20:52.285
rehabilitation, and citizenship.

369
00:20:53.265 --> 00:20:57.405
And they were put in refugee camps where they,

370
00:20:57.405 --> 00:20:59.045
where they had very little right,

371
00:20:59.705 --> 00:21:04.005
and they were given very meager rations and, and those,

372
00:21:04.905 --> 00:21:07.165
and then they were rehabilitated

373
00:21:07.745 --> 00:21:09.445
in different parts of India.

374
00:21:09.875 --> 00:21:12.725
They lost their special integrity, which they used

375
00:21:12.725 --> 00:21:14.325
to enjoy before partition.

376
00:21:14.815 --> 00:21:19.285
These refugees were scattered, dispersed throughout India,

377
00:21:19.865 --> 00:21:23.085
and they were settled resettled in different parts of India.

378
00:21:23.585 --> 00:21:26.805
So that spatial in unity, that spatial integrity,

379
00:21:26.895 --> 00:21:29.405
which was one of the major factor

380
00:21:29.465 --> 00:21:32.365
behind their social mobilization, was now lost.

381
00:21:33.465 --> 00:21:36.925
So the NAS were the major support base

382
00:21:37.745 --> 00:21:41.005
of the autonomous schedule cast movement in Bengal

383
00:21:41.265 --> 00:21:43.845
during the colonial period before partition.

384
00:21:44.665 --> 00:21:47.885
And this united, geographically united community,

385
00:21:47.975 --> 00:21:50.765
after partition becomes geographically dispersed.

386
00:21:52.145 --> 00:21:55.685
So they lost their unity, they lost their special integrity.

387
00:21:56.225 --> 00:21:58.165
And as a result, for the time being,

388
00:21:58.405 --> 00:22:00.845
I will say not permanently, for the time being,

389
00:22:01.745 --> 00:22:05.365
the autonomous schedule cast political movement

390
00:22:06.185 --> 00:22:10.245
was eclipsed by the struggle of the refugees.

391
00:22:10.905 --> 00:22:13.765
The Dalis got a new identity of refugee,

392
00:22:14.305 --> 00:22:18.205
and the refugee struggle replaced the dalitz struggle

393
00:22:18.205 --> 00:22:19.325
of the earlier period.

394
00:22:20.065 --> 00:22:24.525
But once the refugees got settled in West Bengal,

395
00:22:24.555 --> 00:22:28.685
once again, that autonomous politics

396
00:22:28.685 --> 00:22:32.645
of the she cast is coming back, but immediately

397
00:22:32.655 --> 00:22:36.525
after partition, we do not find this movement

398
00:22:37.145 --> 00:22:38.805
in its former glory

399
00:22:39.435 --> 00:22:43.885
because of the special issue that their major habitat went

400
00:22:43.885 --> 00:22:45.085
to East Pakistan.

401
00:22:45.585 --> 00:22:48.885
And when they migrated to India into West Bengal,

402
00:22:49.355 --> 00:22:51.045
they became all refugees.

403
00:22:51.425 --> 00:22:53.925
The caste distinctions for the time being went

404
00:22:53.925 --> 00:22:55.645
to the background and the back burner.

405
00:22:56.185 --> 00:23:00.605
That's the broader implication of our study,

406
00:23:01.425 --> 00:23:06.205
of how the caste question worked in partition politics

407
00:23:06.225 --> 00:23:07.405
and in partition history.

408
00:23:07.805 --> 00:23:07.925
I.

Caste Struggles and Political Awakening in Bengal

00:00:00 - It's like any other part of India. Bengal also witnessed the emergence of self-consciousness among the untouchable communities who later began to call themselves d or oppressed groups. And this self awakening started from around late 19th century, say 1870s, 1880s. But, and by the early 20th century, some of these groups were well organized
00:00:35 - and they were making their presence and influence felt in mainstream politics. And so far as Bengal was concerned, this happened around two or three most numerous communities. one was, the Raj Bhe community who lived in North Bengal, and the other was the NARA community, which lived mainly in Eastern Bengal.
00:01:09 - So in other words, if you look at the location of this communities who were most active and articulate in, in projecting their new identity, new consciousness, the movement was located in certain regions within Bengal, say, not Bengal, east Bengal and South Bengal, and notably West Bengal and Central Bengal, where not that, kind of,
00:01:38 - And un not until very recently. So their main contention was to assert their identity and claim equal status, fight against caste discrimination. And they were also asking for participation in the mainstream political life to have a share of political power. And they were protesting against, the mainstream nationalist movement, which was mainly led by
00:02:11 - And their agenda did not have anything which could, benefit these lower cast, DLI groups or who were previously known as the Untouchables. so this was roughly the context. And this movement came to, ahead and it was quite well organized by the 1930s. And in 1937 election, which gift, which
00:02:44 - they contested the election as independent candidates. And in most of them, about 23 out of 30, these independent candidates won against the candidates who represented the mainstream political party like the Indian National Congress. So in other words, by 1937, they had met their presence, quite felt in mainstream politics. And then comes the partition

Political Identity and Space of Dalit Movements

00:03:14 - the contours of this autonomous poli politics of the Dali groups or untouchable group casts in Bengal. Another very significant aspect of these Dali movements was the significance of, space. If we look at the history of these caste movements, these were spearheaded by groups who lived in a very contiguous specified space.
00:03:47 - in several districts like jpa, ur, and the, princely state of K Khar. the NARA is mainly lived in, the Eastern Bengal districts of, UR Al Jor, aka, et cetera. And the RA in South Bengal in the, in 24 parkas are jaso kna mainly. So in other words, all these groups which became articulate
00:04:18 - movement were located in a very specified contiguous space. Now, this space was important both materially and emotionally to these people, and contributed, to the strength of their movement in the sense that the Raj Bhi were the auto people of that region. They had a tribal origin, and they had a history of state formation in that region. In fact, that particular area of North Bengal was very closely associated with their caste
00:04:52 - Similarly, for the namas of Eastern Bengal, they lived in areas which were the mashy tracts and the forest areas. This was a group of untouchables who were doing various kinds of jobs beforehand, but in the 19th century, they reclaimed these marshy tracts and cleared the forests. And in these reclaimed lands, they emerged as a settled peasant community.
00:05:27 - associated with this area, which enabled their social mobility across the social hierarchy. And since they were leaving in a contiguous region, it was easier for them to mobilize their people for a social movement and eventually for a political movement as well. So the space was important, not only materially that they had possession their houses in that, but it was also emotionally important because the space
00:06:00 - Over the past 50 or more years. In Bengal, the discussion of partition came at a very late stage in the 1940s, in the mid, not until mid 1940s, people in Bengal were talking about partition. it was only in 19 46, 47 that the partition, the talk of partition became so prominent in the public discourse.

Impact of Partition on Dalit Communities

00:06:32 - the proposal line would very directly affect the spaces that were inhabited by these articulate Dali groups. For example, the space, the, the habitation areas of the Raj Bhi was meant to be, divided down the middle. Whereas, the areas in which, the
00:07:04 - if the proposed partition had gone through in, in the way it was proposed. And it fact fact, it, it happened in the same, in that particular way. So in other words, this proposed partition threatened this, the integrity of the spaces that these people lived in for a hun for more than a hundred years. So obviously they were, they were affected emotionally,
00:07:37 - And they kind of participated very actively in this partition movement. Now, in historical literature until now, there was a dominant thinking, strain of thinking that since the untouchable groups, the Dali groups did not participate or, did not identify with the mainstream nationalist movement
00:08:05 - So when the partition discussion went on, when the partition movement and politics came into existence, they remained, silent on Lucas because they were not directly involved in this Hindu, Muslim, divide. that that was at the core of the partition politics. But that's, I mean, historical evidence, which I saw, in and which we, documented in this book, clearly showed
00:08:37 - That when the partition proposal was being discussed, these people were very directly affected and emotionally part up because their spaces were going to be, disturbed by it. Particularly the namas, their space, their habital Habitation space was supposed to go entirely to East Pakistan. And in this eastern Bengal districts, their relationship with the Muslims was a very top sitar relationship
00:09:12 - On the one hand, they collab, both were pea and communities both were, kind of oppressed by upper cast Hindu landlords. But on the other hand, they were also competing with each other for land and on our, in this same region. So what happened when the partition politics came, and when the Muslim League asked for entire Eastern Bengal, including the Noro habitation areas to go to East Pakistan,

Division and Conflict Among Dali Communities

00:09:46 - There was one group which was laid by Romal and the all India, she cast federation. They thought that being two peasant communities, there was a natural affinity of interest between the Muslims and the she cast of Dali groups. But on the other hand, there was another group which was also very dominant. And in fact, numeric, numerically, I would say the majority
00:10:15 - of competition and conflict with the Muslims. So they're not that comfortable about leaving in East Pakistan under a Muslim majority government. So the, the what happened in 1937 election, the old, there was no party of the Dali groups. All the Dali candidates fought the election as independence. They won majority of the sit.
00:10:46 - before the partition, and this 1946 election was entirely fought on the partition issue, this was kind of reversed. That is majority of the 30 reserve seats for these scheduled cast groups went to the Congress candidates, in other words, and the Schedule cast federation, which was wanting to go with the Muslim League one, only one sit Now, given the fact
00:11:16 - of the adult population had voting right, which was based on high educational and property qualifications, it was true that not all the Dali groups, very few of the Dali adults had voting right. But in, but at the same time, one has to remember that the, the Congress, which was fighting for United India and independence for United India was fighting this election to get a mandate
00:11:46 - And it had mobilized its full political strength in this election. And on the other hand, it's competitor for the Dali States where the All India schedule cast federation, which had just come into existence in 1943. So within these three years, they could not mobilize enough resources to compete with the juggernaut of the political machine of the Indian National Congress. And also the partition issue, rather than the caste issue
00:12:21 - So in other words, this partition politics divided, the unity of the shadow caste movement, the Dali movement in Bengal. And at the same time, they lost their autonomy. So the all India Sheas Federation aligned with the Muslim League, whereas its rival group aligned with the Congress. So it was divided, and also it lost its autonomy. And that was one of the reasons which I ar I argue

Partition Politics and Dalit Identity Fragmentation

00:12:54 - we do not find in West Bengal or East Bengal any autonomous schedule cast movement, which had been weakened before, partition by partition politics. I, I, I already touched, this topic in my earlier response. As I mentioned, there was, were two rival groups. I mean, they were all united by in 1930, after 1937 election, and they could assert their presence
00:13:27 - and in the legislative council as well. And at the same time, the mainstream political party, the, the, the Congress was trying to court them, was trying to bring them to their side. And in the beginning of the 1940s, all these groups were kind of going towards the Congress towards mainstream politics. But then came the partition issue. And the partition issue really divided the leadership of this movement.
00:14:02 - who was influenced by Dr. Rakers politics. In 1942, Dr. Raeker established the old India Shadow Cast Federation and projecting an autonomous identity of the Dali groups, which was distinct from a mainstream Hindu identity. Mdel was very much attracted to that politics. And the following year, in 1943,
00:14:33 - of the All India shared cast Federation. But on the other hand, Gandhi and the Congress were also trying to bring in the Dali groups, the she cast groups into their fold. So Gandhi invited, some of the leaders like Pi Taku, who was one of the, the major, front ranking leader in the rival group to visit various provinces, which were being ruled
00:15:04 - So after this trip in 1946, Pierre ta fought that they had lot to gain by going with the Congress, whereas Mandel and his group thought that there was a natural affinity of interests and political ambitions between the Muslim peasants and the she cast, or the Dali peasants of Eastern Bengal. So it would be better for them to go with the Muslim League
00:15:35 - On the other hand, Pierre Taur and his group went with the Congress. And in 1946 election, although Pierre Taur initially fought the election as an independent candidate, but after the election, he joined the Congress. So the schedule cast autonomous identity that was kind of overshadowed by this political alignment or political mobilization brought in

Political Polarization of Dalit Groups Post-Partition

00:16:06 - At the same time, when the partition happened, the Congress and the Hindu MAs fully supported the group led by Pia Taur. And their demand now was to have all the East penal districts, which were inhabited by the Naras to go to India and be part of the West Penal province, which became part of India. And in fact, Hindu Ma Saab supported this claim before the Ratcliff Commission,
00:16:35 - but it was not of course, accepted by the Boundary Commission. So in other words, this political alignment was very clear in 19 46, 47, that the autonomous united she cast movement was now divided and very politically polarized. When we were writing this, my recent book, cast and Partition in Bengal, our main question was,
00:17:10 - after India became independent and the partition happened? So what we find is that when the partition actually happened, the main group which was affected by the partition were the norms as all the districts who lived in Eastern Bengal districts. All those areas went to East Pakistan.
00:17:43 - although their natural affinity by this time was with the Congress and India. But they did not migrate initially because migration requires some initial migration capital, and they were poor, and they did not have the resources they could not think of leaving their land. And therefore they could not think of migration immediately
00:18:10 - In 1947, also, leaders like Jo Mondal joined the Pakistan cabinet. He remained himself in Pakistan. And he also advised his followers not to migrate, stay put in Pakistan. And he tried to argue with them that their condition will be much better off in Pakistan rather than in India, which would be dominated
00:18:41 - This went on for about three years. But within these three years in Pakistan, there was now the announcement and articulation of Islamic nationalism. And in this is this articulation of Islamic identity by Pakistan kind of made this scheduled cast Dali groups, the marginal minority. And then there was, I mean, there were, at the time

Dalit Identity Shift: From Community to Refugees

00:19:15 - that they would be treated equally with the Muslim majority, but that did not happen. By 1950, it was very clear that these Dali groups in Pakistan were treated as a marginal minority, and they were not treated equally with the majority community. And then in 1950, there was a major riot. And after this riot, these lower cast peasant
00:19:48 - In between 1950 and 19 56, 2 0.4 million people, mostly Nora peasants migrated from East Pakistan to India. And when they came to India, several things happened. They lost their identity as D lead groups, they became refugees, and the refugees as a refugee, their their struggle was to get rehabilitation, to get their citizenship recognized in India.
00:20:20 - qualitatively different from their earlier struggle against caste discrimination and so on. So after 1947, after 1950, in fact, when they migrated to India, the agenda of their movement very, very significantly changed. Instead of arguing about caste discriminations and the caste question, they began to focus more on the refugees problems like rehab,
00:20:53 - And they were put in refugee camps where they, where they had very little right, and they were given very meager rations and, and those, and then they were rehabilitated in different parts of India. They lost their special integrity, which they used to enjoy before partition. These refugees were scattered, dispersed throughout India, and they were settled resettled in different parts of India.
00:21:26 - which was one of the major factor behind their social mobilization, was now lost. So the NAS were the major support base of the autonomous schedule cast movement in Bengal during the colonial period before partition. And this united, geographically united community, after partition becomes geographically dispersed. So they lost their unity, they lost their special integrity.
00:21:58 - I will say not permanently, for the time being, the autonomous schedule cast political movement was eclipsed by the struggle of the refugees. The Dalis got a new identity of refugee, and the refugee struggle replaced the dalitz struggle of the earlier period. But once the refugees got settled in West Bengal, once again, that autonomous politics

After Partition: Decline of Dalit Identity

00:22:32 - after partition, we do not find this movement in its former glory because of the special issue that their major habitat went to East Pakistan. And when they migrated to India into West Bengal, they became all refugees. The caste distinctions for the time being went to the background and the back burner. That's the broader implication of our study,
00:23:07 - and in partition history. I.

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